2027 permutations: APC is miscalculating on Kano – Yakassai

Salihu Tanko Yakassai has served Abdullahi Ganduje since his days as governor up to when he became APC national chairman. He speaks on the aftermath of the exit of his former boss as national chairman, revealing the implications on the politics of Kano.   You’ve been all over the media in the past couple of […]

Salihu Tanko Yakassai has served Abdullahi Ganduje since his days as governor up to when he became APC national chairman. He speaks on the aftermath of the exit of his former boss as national chairman, revealing the implications on the politics of Kano.

 

You’ve been all over the media in the past couple of days. What informed that decision?

Well, as you’re already aware, it’s been a little over two years since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office in May 2023. And typically, the midterm of any elected official—be it a president, governor, or any public officeholder serving a four-year term—is a time to assess progress. It’s an opportunity to evaluate what has been done, especially in relation to the promises made during the campaign.

You do this assessment with two things in mind. First, to check whether things are going according to plan and second, because it’s midterm, there’s time to alert those in power if things are off track—so  that they have a chance to correct course, provided they have the political will to do so.

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In the case of President Tinubu’s administration, we’ve seen a number of things that are not going right, and we’ve been vocal in pointing them out at every opportunity. Perhaps the last message we put out resonated more widely, which may explain the significant national attention it received.

This country is blessed with abundant resources across all 36 states and the FCT, including those considered “landlocked.” The usual assumption is that coastal states have an advantage due to ports, but I believe that with proper infrastructure and strategic investment, every state can thrive.

We could have multiple economic hubs like Lagos, Port Harcourt, or Abuja—not just one or two—if we invest properly.  And to achieve that, leadership needs competent, experienced people in key positions—advisors, ministers, and heads of MDAs—who can help deliver on the president’s mandate.

 

You mentioned the need for competent and experienced people. Former Kano State Governor Abdullahi Ganduje is believed to be one of them. But then, suddenly, he resigned as APC national chairman. Don’t you think if he had stayed, things might have turned out differently? Or are there things that happened that we have not been told?

Yes, I agree with you. It’s very unusual in Nigeria for someone to resign from a position like that. Naturally, it raises questions—especially since it happened just a few months after the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC), the highest decision-making body, endorsed him and solidified his position. He was given a mandate that was supposed to last until early or mid-next year.

As party chairman, I think he did remarkably well. Under his leadership, we brought in governors and major political figures from the opposition. He played a key role in strengthening the party’s base and expanding its reach.

Even on the policy side, he was proactive. For instance, before the Ministry of Livestock Development was established, he developed the blueprint that led to its creation. He presented his ideas directly to the president, who asked him to formalise them. With the support of others, he put together a detailed proposal that eventually birthed the ministry.

He also established the Progressives Institute, which is tasked with policy development and grooming a new generation of politicians aligned with the APC’s progressive ideology. These are significant contributions.

So, yes, it saddens me that he had to step down, especially because I know some of the other plans he had for the party. I believe if he had been allowed to serve a full four-year term, the party would have achieved even more under his leadership.

But in any case, we must commend him for his service to the party and to the nation. As for the exact circumstances behind his resignation, I think it’s best to let him speak on that in his own time.

 

Some say there’s a cold war between him and President Tinubu. He wasn’t in Kano when the president and vice president visited. He also missed the stakeholders’ meeting reportedly held at his residence…

Those are all very significant events where one would have expected to see him. But as you may know—and this has been in the public domain—he is currently out of the country. He travelled to London a few days after his resignation and has not returned since. All of the events you mentioned happened while he was away.

Regarding the stakeholders’ meeting in Kano, we actually saw a video of him watching the event live via Zoom. He appeared pleased with it. So, on this particular matter, I would say it’s too early to speculate. We’ll have to wait until he returns and monitor how involved he becomes in political activities—both nationally and in Kano. That will tell us whether there’s a cold war or not.

 

Have you spoken to him since he resigned as chairman of the party?

Yes. After his resignation, I paid him a courtesy visit to offer my sympathy and express my continued support. I’m grateful that he believed in me. Remember, after he dismissed me during his second term as governor, I left for the PRP. But after the 2023 elections, he personally reached out and asked me to return to the APC and work with him as party chairman. I’ve been back for more than a year now, serving as his special adviser on ICT and digital communications.

 

But judging by the way you’ve been criticising the Tinubu administration lately, some say it’s Ganduje speaking through you…

No, not at all. He did not ask me to say anything. As I said earlier, I met him only once—just a few days after his resignation. We haven’t communicated since then. I can confidently say he would not be happy with what I’ve been saying. I know him well enough to say that.

 

He wouldn’t be happy?

No, he wouldn’t. I know that for a fact.

 

Then what gave you the courage to speak out?

First of all, I’m no longer working under him. When he resigned, my role effectively ended too. Everyone working directly with him also had to step aside. So technically, I’m not a member of his staff anymore.

And secondly, speaking out is in my DNA. I inherited that trait from my father. I find it difficult to stay silent—especially on critical issues. There are two main reasons why I speak up.

First, I believe in putting things on the record. Some people say I’m only speaking now because Ganduje is no longer in power. But if you look back, I did the same during Buhari’s presidency—even when I was serving as his media aide. I was one of the three closest aides to Ganduje in government. As his spokesperson, we shared daily contact—from first thing in the morning to the last meeting at night. That closeness didn’t stop me from voicing criticism when it mattered.

Speaking out has its consequences. I was told just yesterday that government-owned media have been directed not to carry my interviews or air my views. I think that’s petty—especially considering how insignificant I am in the grand scheme of things. If my voice is viewed as a threat, that says more about the government than it does about me.

 

Who gave that directive?

I won’t mention names, but the information got to me. It’s disappointing that they see the need to silence me rather than address the issues I raise.

Since I started raising concerns last week about lopsided appointments, we saw a fresh appointment on Monday—a northerner from Kano. Perhaps that’s a sign the president is listening.

 But it shouldn’t stop there. I’d like to see a supporter from the South East appointed next. That would show fairness.

Take the South East, for instance. Out of all their ministers, only one holds a senior position—the rest are junior ministers. Meanwhile, Kano gave Tinubu his second-highest number of votes after Lagos. That deserves more consideration.

Privately, even senior government officials share my concerns. They agree with what I’m saying, but they won’t say it out loud. I don’t believe in keeping quiet when things are going wrong.

The APC government was built on an alliance between the South West and North West. These two regions played a major role in bringing the administration to power. But when it comes to governance, it has become one-sided.

Even within the South West, I’ve had people from Ekiti, Ondo, and Osun reach out to say they’re unhappy. Lagos and, to a lesser extent, Ogun, may be benefitting—but the rest feel neglected.

But your principal, Ganduje, defended President Tinubu  for two years.

Absolutely, he did—as chairman of the party. Does that make him complicit? Possibly. He certainly had access to the president, and like I always say, you and I don’t know what exactly he tells the president when they meet. So, perhaps the things that needed to be said were said privately. Maybe he was among those telling the president hard truths that others didn’t want to hear.

Isn’t it curious that when Kwankwaso lashed out at the Tinubu administration, there was no direct pushback? Had Ganduje still been in charge, surely, he would’ve responded swiftly.

Ganduje has been in government for over 30 years. Even before becoming deputy governor in 1999, he served as Commissioner for Works under three different military administrators—six years straight. Before that, he was a director at the FCT and also administered two local governments in Abuja.

From 1999 to 2003, after losing the election, he served as Minister of Defence and later as an adviser. Then he lectured before returning in 2011. From 2015 to 2023, he served two terms as governor. Afterwards, he became party chairman. There was never a break in his public service career.

So, if he chooses to take a break now, I think he has earned it. He may not be fully up to speed with everything going on politically. Maybe he just wants to observe for now. There’s nothing wrong with taking time off. Let’s wait and see what he decides to do when he returns.

 

Are you still in the APC?

Yes, I am.

 

Some say Ganduje was sacrificed to make way for Kwankwaso.  What do you say to that?

Where is Kwankwaso now? He’s still in the NNPP, which currently controls Kano. And that’s where I fault the president’s strategy. Maybe some people within the Villa are also thinking along these lines.

But as of today, Kwankwaso has not joined the APC. In fact, the way he is criticising the administration suggests he’s not even considering it. It’s difficult to criticise a government publicly and then turn around to join it. That creates a moral dilemma—not just for him, but for his supporters as well.

So far, we’ve seen no change from the administration in response to the criticisms—whether from Kwankwaso or others in Northern Nigeria, particularly the North West. The president’s body language hasn’t shifted. Kwankwaso hasn’t joined. And judging by his posture and tone, he doesn’t look like someone about to join. Also, don’t forget that Shekarau—the second of Kano’s political big three—isn’t with the APC either. And the only one who was actively on the ground, Ganduje, is no longer party chairman and currently holds no official position. He’s also, more or less, on political hiatus.

 

Was he forced to take that break?

That’s your own interpretation. All I can say is that he’s not currently active. The fact remains that none of the three major political figures in Kano is now directly working for President Tinubu.

 

Would you say the president miscalculated on that?

I believe those around him miscalculated. Let’s be honest—removing Ganduje from the party chairmanship was a major move. Everyone understands how influential that position is.

 

Even if Ganduje himself isn’t upset, can the same be said for the party base?

I’m a member of the APC, and I am aggrieved. So, if I feel that way, it’s safe to ask whether others do too. I read the resolution from the recent Kano APC stakeholders’ meeting.  Something struck me. I don’t know if it was intentional or an oversight, but the resolution’s first paragraph, immediately after the attendance list, focused entirely on Ganduje. Over half the page was devoted to praising his achievements as chairman and reaffirming total loyalty to him. That’s significant.

It was essentially a full-throated endorsement. Then, only afterwards, there was a short, three-line mention of the president. Just three lines.

Just three lines after half a page of commendations for Ganduje. But the word “endorsed in 2027” was left out. People will assume things naturally. But I can tell you Ganduje has not directed anyone—not me, not any APC member. I believe he still supports President Tinubu. I believe he still wants the APC to be successful. I don’t think that’s the case, though of course, different interpretations will come.

 

Are you contemplating joining the opposition in challenging the government?

For now, I think the president has set a terrible precedent in terms of a new philosophy in Nigerian democracy—the Wike style of politics. The president has endorsed it—not just behind the scenes but publicly. We know behind-the-scenes political marriages have always existed, even back in the NEPU days.

But what President Tinubu did with Wike—especially from the G5 governors’ era up to appointing him—not just any appointment but one of the most important cabinet positions—and giving him extra advantage to be his political confidant… I think the president has set a terrible precedent.

We are now enjoying it because we are also doing what is called “taqiya” in the Shia sect. It means hiding your intentions or portraying something else publicly. What Wike did, and which the president endorsed, birthed a new political ideology—the “Wike style,” which I call “political taqiya.”

So we can now comfortably sit in APC—our party—and expose shortcomings just like Wike did in PDP. So I can’t be punished for criticizing the APC. That’s what the president has endorsed.

 

So it’s no longer anti-party?

There’s no such thing as anti-party anymore—thanks to President Bola Tinubu. You can criticize your party publicly without punishment. That’s the new doctrine. Genuinely, I may joke about it, but I’m politically disturbed. I’m hurt by what the president has done. You can’t promote a one-party state in a country like Nigeria.

He may have governed Lagos and been lucky with successors continuing his dream. But trying to export that to Nigeria—to force a one-party system—where everyone must join your party… Look at the National Assembly. People are defecting just to survive politically. Otherwise, they’ll be starved of funds.

Even during the stakeholders’ meeting, the president said it’s okay to have a one-party system. And you people, alongside the police, are helping him achieve that.

 

But most defections happened during the reign of Ganduje

Ganduje is not a saint. He has shortcomings. Maybe this is one of them—helping the president force the one-party state. That might be his albatross. But does that make it right? No. Opposition is critical to development and survival of democracy. If you don’t have vibrant opposition, then you can do whatever you like.

 

Finally, how do you see 2027 playing out if Ganduje is not re-accommodated?

Kano has the largest votes. What happens in Kano affects Katsina, Kaduna, Jigawa, Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi. So anyone with national ambition must consider Kano.

My biggest concern is Kwankwaso—not Ganduje. Ganduje will remain in APC. But Kwankwaso cannot stay in NNPP. He must either join APC or the opposition. Their body language says they can’t survive in NNPP. That decision will shape 2027.

 

If Kwankwaso joins APC, what happens?

Two things: Either APC leaves the party for him, or they frustrate him and he leaves again. The president wants a Kwankwaso-Ganduje alliance—it won’t happen.

 

Like Osun?

Exactly. In Osun, the PDP governor was supposed to join APC. After meetings, they said no. They endorsed Tinubu but stayed in PDP. They will fight in the state election. Same will happen in Kano.

Kwankwaso doesn’t do give and take. He takes everything. If he comes in, he’ll try to take over APC. That’s what he did with Shekarau. They had an agreement—he gave Shekarau just one seat.

 

So it’s hard for Shekarau to align with him again?

Yes. Shekarau had a terrible experience. He’s waiting now—doesn’t want to move to APC or the coalition if Kwankwaso goes there. Everyone is waiting to see what Kwankwaso does.

 

So who would be the loser if things don’t work?

The president. He got 30% in Kano in 2023. Now it’s worse. His base is weaker. In terms of political foot soldiers, they’ve lost ground.

 

Do you see him putting his neck out again?

That depends on Ganduje. Until he returns and we see his body language, we won’t know.