60 years after the 1st coup

Today, January 15, 2026, marks 60 years since Nigeria’s first military coup which claimed the lives of foremost political leaders, including the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa; Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardaunan Sokoto); Premier of Western Region, Samuel Akintola and Minister of Finance, Festus Okotie-Eboh. Prominent military officers killed in the […]

Today, January 15, 2026, marks 60 years since Nigeria’s first military coup which claimed the lives of foremost political leaders, including the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa; Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardaunan Sokoto); Premier of Western Region, Samuel Akintola and Minister of Finance, Festus Okotie-Eboh.

Prominent military officers killed in the coup included Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Commander of 2nd Brigade, Apapa; Colonel Kur Mohammed, Acting Chief of Staff, Army Headquarters; Lt. Col. James Yakubu Gyang Pam, Adjutant General; and Lieutenant Colonel Abogo Largema, Commanding Officer of the 4th Battalion of the Nigerian Army.

Led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, other officers involved in the planning and execution of the coup were Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Adewale Ademoyega, Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Christian Anuforo, and Don Okafor.

The assassination of the prominent leaders and high-ranking military officers took place in Kaduna and partly in Lagos. Lagos was the capital of Nigeria, while Kaduna was the capital of the Northern Region.

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Nzeogwu’s broadcast

Nzeogwu, who was the leader of the coup plotters, shortly after leading a group of soldiers to Sardauna Ahmadu Bello’s residence, made a broadcast to the nation on Radio Nigeria, Kaduna, to explain the rationale behind the intervention.

In the speech, he identified alleged “political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand 10 per cent; those that seek to keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or VIPs at least; the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circles; those that have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds,” as the enemies.

He announced a ban on all political, cultural, tribal, and trade union activities, together with all demonstrations and unauthorized gatherings, excluding religious worship.

He said, “The aim of the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong, united, and prosperous nation, free from corruption and internal strife. Our method of achieving this is strictly military, but we have no doubt that every Nigerian will give us maximum cooperation by assisting the regime and not disturbing the peace during the slight changes that are taking place.”

He warned that looting, arson, homosexuality, rape, embezzlement, bribery or corruption, obstruction of the revolution, sabotage, subversion, false alarms, and assistance to foreign invaders are all offenses punishable by the death sentence, while doubtful loyalty will be penalized by imprisonment or any more severe sentence.

The coup plotters, however, did not succeed in taking over the government, even after the assassination of the political leaders and military officers.

Nzeogwu, seeing that the coup had failed, negotiated a conditional surrender, handed over control of the North, and submitted himself in Lagos, where he was arrested and detained.

It took some days for the body of the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, to be found, though there was high suspicion that he must have been killed on the very day of the coup.

Prominent Nigerian leaders who were not affected by the coup included mainly political leaders from the Eastern Region: the President, Nnamdi Azikiwe; Premier of Eastern Region, Chief Michael Okpara; and Army Chief, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, who were mainly Igbo.

This was interpreted as a deliberate plan to spare leaders from the Eastern Region.

The nation was held in suspense, as there was no clear authority to give political direction since Tafawa Balewa was assumed to have been killed, while President Azikiwe was out of the country.

Then Minister of Education, Chief Richard Akinjide, who gave an account of what transpired immediately after the coup, recalled while giving a speech at a book launch, “Fellow Countrymen — the story of Coup D’etats in Nigeria” by Richard Akinnola, on June 12, 2000, said that when Tafawa Balewa went missing, those of them in his cabinet got to know that Okotie-Eboh and Samuel Akintola had been killed, so the members of the Balewa cabinet started meeting to chart the way forward.

He said: “But how can we have a cabinet meeting without the Prime Minister acting or the Prime Minister presiding? So, unanimously, we nominated an acting Prime Minister amongst us, and we continued holding our meetings.

“Then we got a message that we should all assemble at the Cabinet office. All the ministers were requested by the G.O.C. of the Nigerian Army, General Aguiyi Ironsi, to assemble.

“We assembled there, having nominated Zanna Diphcharima as our acting Prime Minister in the absence of the Prime Minister, whose whereabouts we didn’t know.

“We approached the acting President, Nwafor Orizu, to swear him in because he could not legitimately act as the Prime Minister except he was sworn in. Nwafor Orizu refused. He said he needed to contact Zik, who was then in West Indies.

“Under the Law, that is, the Interpretation Act, as acting President, Nwafor Orizu had all the powers of the President.

“The G.O.C said he wanted to see all the cabinet ministers. And so we assembled at the Cabinet office. Well, I have read in many books saying that we handed over to the military. We did not hand over. Ironsi told us that ‘you either hand over as gentlemen or you hand over by force.’

“The acting President, Nwafor Orizu, who did not cooperate with us, cooperated with the G.O.C. Dr. Orizu and the G.O.C. prepared speeches, which Nwafor Orizu broadcast, handing over the government of the country to the army.

“I hereby state again, categorically, as a member of that cabinet, that we did not hand over voluntarily. It was a coup.”

Various historians recall that even after Aguiyi-Ironsi assumed position as head of state, he did very little to bring the masterminds of the coup to book, as there were reports that they were being held in protective custody while their salaries were running.

This further infuriated, according to multiple sources, the northern officers in the military, who began to view Aguiyi-Ironsi’s actions as an attempt to shield the coup plotters from justice.

This led to a very violent counter-coup from July 28 to August 1 of the same year, in which the head of state, General Aguiyi-Ironsi, and his host, the military governor of Western Region, Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, were killed, bringing to an end the six-month reign of Aguiyi-Ironsi.

The National President of the Gamji Members Association, Dr. Abdullahi Bala Isah, describes the January 1966 coup as senseless, saying it was carried out by very selfish persons who had their narrow interests.

He said it was the assassination of the political leaders at that time that set Northern Nigeria back, while all the events shaping the politics of Nigeria today could be linked to what happened in that coup.

“And it is very unfortunate, 60 years later, we are still talking about division, and for this long, the unity of the country is being affected.

“Everything is being done according to where one comes from and which religion one practices. It wasn’t Sardauna’s intent. He didn’t care which religion you practice — whether you are Muslim, Christian, or Pagan — all he was interested in was moving the North forward.”

60 years after, Tafawa Balewa’s legacies remain

Sixty years after the demise of the first Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, his tomb has remained a source of knowledge to researchers, students, and others.

It is located along Ajiya Adamu Road in Bauchi metropolis.

A senior tour guide told our correspondent yesterday that between 500 and 700 students from different secondary and tertiary institutions across the country visit the tomb every year, while between 20 and 30 researchers from various institutions, both within and outside the country, visit the place daily for research purposes.

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was assassinated on January 15, 1966, and left behind three wives and 20 children, of whom 14 are still alive, according to his grandchild, Alhaji Abubakar (Billy) Tafawa Balewa.

“The late Prime Minister left behind 20 children, of whom 14 are still alive, and most of the surviving children are not in Bauchi. The late Prime Minister produced all sorts of talents. His children, though not much exposed, acquired knowledge in various fields of human endeavor.

“They are the kind of people who are too shy to expose themselves. They don’t want to be exposed, and they don’t bother to be known. However, they are highly educated and talented. They are living a simple life,” he said.

He, however, said the family meets once in a while to discuss and organize things whenever the need arises. At least they meet once or twice a year, either during Sallah festivities or at the end of the year.

“Though I have not met the late Prime Minister, I have heard a lot about him, and also as a student of Nigeria’s politics, I think I have read almost all books written on pre- and post-Independence. The most I can say about him is that internationally, he was the voice of moderation, a modest and honest man from a humble background.

“Late Tafawa Balewa did his best for Nigeria, even though, as typical as we are, we don’t celebrate him as we do our regional leaders. That is not surprising, given that even sixty years after his death, we still have people agitating for the breakup of Nigeria. So sad.

“A lot of people, especially from southern Nigeria, used to tell me that I am lucky to be his grandchild, but being lucky, I am not sure. I think it’s more of a burden as far as I am concerned… I have not benefitted from federal or state scholarships, let alone patronage or appointments, but Alhamdulillah, no hard feelings,” he lamented.

Further findings revealed that while the tomb was under the custody of the Bauchi State government, some items left behind by the late Prime Minister are being kept under the federal government. The place was segmented into two sections: the tomb and a mausoleum, where some belongings of the late Prime Minister, including his wristwatch, a radio set, a cap, and other household items, are being kept.

Our reporter gathered that the idea for the construction of the mausoleum was initiated in 1975 under the Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon (rtd), but the construction work started in 1975 under General Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration.

However, the tomb was declared open to the public as a National Monument on August 29, 1979, by the then Military Administrator of Bauchi State, Brig. Garba Duba, and the complex was constructed at a cost of less than N1 million.

The first gate from the entrance, our correspondent gathered, signifies the childhood educational background of the late Prime Minister, while the tomb was designed to reflect the simplicity of life led by the late Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.

A few steps after the first gate is a =dark corridor, which signifies two things: the hardships encountered by the Prime Minister and his contemporaries in their efforts to free Nigeria from colonial rule, and also reminds visitors of the death of the Prime Minister.

There is also a little light that penetrates the darkness, which signifies a ray of hope for the future of the nation to be freed from colonial administration.

Next to the little light is the second dark portion of the corridor, which indicates the continuation of the struggle for Nigerian independence. Thereafter is full brightness, which signifies the attainment of self-government and Nigerian independence in 1960.

There are also two different staircases, big and small, leading visitors to the tomb of the late Prime Minister. While the big staircase signifies the hardships encountered by Nigerians under colonial administration, the small staircase represents Nigerians’ freedom and attainment of independence. There are also 10 different slabs arranged adjacent to the late Prime Minister’s tomb, which indicate the crises that engulfed the nation after the Prime Minister was assassinated.

The colours on the walls surrounding the tomb signify the different ethnic groups in Nigeria whom the late Tafawa Balewa served, uniting them as one family under one nation. The top of the place remains unroofed to signify the late Prime Minister’s open-mindedness and simplicity toward the people of the federation.

The Prime Minister was born in Tafawa Balewa village, Bauchi State, in 1912, to the family of the late Malam Yakubu and Malama Aisha. Abubakar obtained his elementary education from 1922–1925, Bauchi Province School from 1925–1928, Katsina Teachers Training School from 1928–1933, and London University in 1945. The first Prime Minister returned to Bauchi from London in 1946 with a Diploma Certificate. He was appointed headmaster of his former school, Bauchi Middle School, in 1946.

The first Prime Minister later became the first Educational Officer in 1949; he joined politics in 1952, and in 1955 he became Minister of Works. He was later appointed Minister of Transport in 1956, and on September 9, 1957, Abubakar became the first Prime Minister of Northern Nigeria.

The late Prime Minister’s remains were buried inside his mother’s room, which is the present location of the tomb along Ajiya Adamu Road in Bauchi metropolis.

Sardauna’s residence

The two-storey building at Ungwan Sarki, where Sardauna lived, was set ablaze during the coup.

Our correspondent, who visited the place yesterday, said six decades later, the structure still stands.

It has been renovated and preserved and has been transformed into a historic site known today as Arewa House: a symbol of memory, resilience, and legacy.

A visit to the residence reveals that the house is now under the Department of History of Ahmadu Bello University, one of the many institutions established by the late Premier.

According to findings, the main building still maintains its milk-coloured paint and now serves as Sardauna’s Gallery, where his clothes, shoes, and other personal belongings are preserved.

Within the compound stands an old, large tree believed to have been planted during his lifetime, still standing as a silent witness to history. Beneath the tree are clay seats where visitors often sit during tours.

Just a few steps away from the main house is the spot where the body of the late Premier was recovered after the coup. The area has been renovated and surrounded with blocks, marking it as a solemn point of reflection within the compound.

Today, Arewa House receives visitors daily, mostly students from primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions across Nigeria and even from outside the country. They come to see the collections of the late Premier’s belongings and historical books connected to his life and the history of Northern Nigeria.

The residence also serves as a research centre for Northern history, supporting academic work in history and other fields of endeavour.

Beyond tourism and research, the premises has also become a centre for social and intellectual activities. Conference halls within Arewa House are rented for seminars, weddings, and other social events, making the site not only a historical monument but also a source of revenue.

At the back of the residence lies a fives court, a reminder that the late Premier was a lover of the sport, which he played during his leisure time. Though still intact, the court appears deserted and unused, locked during the reporter’s visit.

Speaking on the condition and significance of the residence sixty years after the assassination, Usman Suleiman, Head of the Arewa House Museum, explained the historical background of the house and the values of the man who lived in it.

He stated clearly that, “Ahmadu Bello, throughout his tenure as the Premier of the Northern Region of Nigeria, lived in this very house. This house was built in 1952.”

He said although a more befitting and luxurious residence, currently known as Hassan Usman Katsina House, Kawo, was later built for the Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello rejected it.

Usman Suleiman recalled that the Sardauna publicly, during an inspection tour with the then Sultan of Sokoto, expressed his discomfort with luxury, saying in Hausa, “Kar in cinye lahirata a duniya,” meaning “let me not consume my paradise after death on earth.” Because of this belief, he chose to remain in the same house until his death in 1966.

“So Ahmadu Bello decided to retain his house and continued to live here up to 1966, when he was killed through a military coup,” Suleiman explained.

The transformation of the residence into a historical institution was also rooted in national healing efforts after the coup and the civil war.

Said Suleiman, “Former Head of State Yakubu Gowon realized that before the coup and subsequent ugly developments, Nigeria was made up of people with different origins and backgrounds and were living peacefully.”

The need to understand what went wrong led to the decision to document Nigeria’s history, and Northern Nigeria followed suit by establishing its own historical archive, library, and museum at Arewa House.

Explaining the museum’s role, Suleiman said, “We are more concerned with keeping objects—things that you can see, touch, and so on—recalling anything that reflects the history of Northern Nigeria.”

He added that many items in the residence are replicas, as “during the process of the coup everything got burnt,” and what remained was vandalised. Still, the museum strives to preserve the setting as it was, including the prayer area and bedroom, to help future generations understand the life of the Sardauna.

Reflecting on Sir Ahmadu Bello’s enduring legacy, Usman Suleiman stressed that his impact on leadership remains unmatched. “Since his demise, we have not been lucky to have somebody like him,” he said. Despite governing a vast and diverse Northern Region as one entity, “you can see that he performed remarkably in terms of administration.”

His contributions to education stand out strongly. Institutions such as Ahmadu Bello University, Technical College (now Kaduna Polytechnic), and several others remain living testimonies of his vision.

In Suleiman’s words, “Not only are they in existence, but they are doing well and contributing greatly to educational advancement.”

Beyond institutions, Sir Ahmadu Bello’s greatest legacy lies in unity, values, and leadership by example. “He always saw the North as one, that is, one North, one party,” Suleiman recalled, referencing the slogan of the late Premier’s political party.

He emphasised that the values of trust, responsibility, and identity were central to the Sardauna’s philosophy, captured in the Northern motto “Work and Worship.”

He explained that sixty years after his demise, Sir Ahmadu Bello remains a symbol of purposeful leadership, unity, and selfless service.

For Northerners, though the January 15, 1966 coup took away their leader, it could not erase his legacy. It is believed that through Arewa House, his life, values, and contributions continue to speak, reminding generations of what leadership once meant and what it can be again.

Rabah: Sardauna’s hometown forgotten amid insecurity, decay

Rabah Local Government Area, located about an hour’s drive from Sokoto metropolis, tells a troubling story of neglect, insecurity, and fading history.

Once known mainly as the birthplace of the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and former Premier of Northern Nigeria, the town today struggles with dilapidated infrastructure and persistent security challenges.

The journey into Rabah is itself an ordeal. The road linking the town to the rest of the state is in a terrible condition, compounding fears among travellers.

Rabah is one of the local government areas in eastern Sokoto State grappling with insecurity, with the entry route into the town identified as a hotspot where bandits frequently attack, abducting travellers and residents of surrounding villages.

At the entrance to Rabah stands a large gate bearing the image of the late Sardauna. The monument serves as a reminder that this town is the ancestral home of the revered Northern leader, who was assassinated in 1966 during the failed military coup. Yet beyond the gate, the reality contrasts sharply with the legacy of the man whose image welcomes visitors.

Predominantly inhabited by Hausa farmers and pastoralists, Rabah is a densely populated town. Despite its historical importance, many of its landmarks linked to the Sardauna are in a state of disrepair.

A visit by Daily Trust to key historical sites in the town on Wednesday revealed worrying conditions. These include the house where Sir Ahmadu Bello was born, the District Head’s palace, and the central Jumu’ah mosque built by the Sardauna in 1960, six years before his death.

At the palace, our correspondent met the district head and members of his council holding their meeting outside. The palace complex is undergoing renovation, but its condition remains poor. Several structures within the palace, including residential quarters used by the district head and his family, are badly dilapidated. Some sections have been abandoned entirely due to their state.

A palace official told our correspondent that the palace had not seen any meaningful renovation since the administration of former Governor Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa, until the current intervention initiated by the member representing Wurno–Rabah constituency at the National Assembly. However, the official lamented that the work was progressing slowly.

Historical accounts within the palace indicate that the Sardauna himself once renovated the palace during his youth, having served as one of the district heads. He was the son of Malam Ibrahim, who was in turn the son of Emir Abubakar Mai Rabah, a descendant of Sultan Muhammadu Bello, the son of Sheikh Usmanu dan Fodio.

Close to the palace lies the tomb of Malam Ibrahim, the Sardauna’s father. Nearby also stands the town’s Jumu’ah mosque, rebuilt by the Sardauna in 1960. Although it underwent some renovation during Bafarawa’s administration, the mosque is again in poor shape.

Our correspondent observed shattered glass windows and signs of serious leakage. According to the mosque’s Muazzim, worshippers are forced to remove prayer mats every rainy season because rainwater floods the mosque.

“It is embarrassing that a mosque built by the Sardauna has been left in this condition,” he said, appealing to the Sokoto State Government to include Rabah in its mosque renovation programmes.

At Unguwar Kofar Hasira is the house where Sir Ahmadu Bello was born. The mud structure is still standing, but barely. About 80 per cent of the building has collapsed.

One of the occupants told Daily Trust that despite visits by researchers and tourists from different parts of the world, no government has taken steps to renovate the historic building.

“Even recently, some foreigners came to see the house. We thought that would lead to renovation, but nothing has happened,” he said, requesting anonymity.

Elders in the neighbourhood expressed disappointment that the area has remained underdeveloped despite its historical significance.

“For over 22 years now, Rabah has had no electricity,” one of them said. “This is the town where the Sardauna was born, and his family still holds the palace. This level of neglect is shameful.”

Speaking to Daily Trust, the Shamakin Rabah, Alhaji Muhammadu Shamaki, recalled that Sir Ahmadu Bello resigned his position as the district head of Rabah after the stool of the Sultan of Sokoto became vacant. He travelled to Sokoto to seek the position but arrived after Abubakar III had already been appointed Sultan.

“He stayed back in Sokoto because the Rabah district had become too small for him.

“Later, the Sultan conferred on him the title of Sardauna and sent him to Gusau as his representative. From there he moved to Kaduna, went abroad for studies, and later joined politics,” Shamaki explained.

Shamaki said that as Premier of Northern Nigeria, the Sardauna built mosques and schools across the region, many of which are still in use today.

“He worked tirelessly for Islam and the development of the North. That commitment was one of the reasons he was killed,” he said.

Although young at the time, Shamaki recalled the elaborate receptions the Sardauna received whenever he visited Rabah.

“People lined up from the Rabah junction into the town—some on horses, camels, donkeys, and others on foot. There was drumming and dancing. It was always a festival, and he would distribute money and fine robes,” he said.

He lamented that successive governments had neglected Rabah despite the sacrifices and contributions of the Sardauna.

In his remarks, the District Head of Rabah, Alhaji Bello Abdullahi II, highlighted the worsening security situation in eastern Sokoto and called on leaders to intensify efforts to restore peace.

“Peace is the foundation of development and social well-being. Our leaders must take decisive steps to address insecurity in this area,” the District Head said.

The District Head, who is a grandson of the Sardauna, said the family remains proud of his legacy.

“Whenever his name is mentioned, people speak of his good deeds. That is a great source of pride for us,” he added.

As Rabah grapples with insecurity, decaying heritage sites, and prolonged absence of basic amenities, residents say urgent government intervention is needed to preserve the town’s history and restore dignity to the birthplace of one of Nigeria’s most revered leaders.

How Sokoto sustains peace through prayers

For six decades, the Sokoto Sultanate Council has sustained a unique spiritual tradition aimed at promoting peace, unity, and national stability in Nigeria.

Every morning, Imams and Islamic scholars from across Sokoto State gather at the historic Sultan Bello Mosque to recite the Holy Qur’an and offer special prayers for the country.

The prayer session, which has endured for 60 years, was instituted in the aftermath of Nigeria’s first military coup of January 15, 1966, during which several national leaders were assassinated. Among those killed were the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto; Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa; Premier of the Western Region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola; and senior military officers from the North.

Sir Ahmadu Bello, a great-grandson of the renowned Islamic reformer Sheikh Usmanu bin Fodiyo, was widely revered across the North. His assassination plunged the region—and the country—into deep uncertainty and fear.

In response, the late Sultan of Sokoto, Sir Abubakar III, initiated daily congregational prayers at the Sultan Bello Mosque, located opposite the palace, and at the Shehu’s Mosque, where Sheikh Usmanu bin Fodiyo worshipped during his lifetime.

The sessions begin with the recitation of complete chapters of the Holy Qur’an by a group of clerics led by the Sarkin Malaman Sokoto, followed by prayers for the repose of the souls of the slain leaders and for peace to prevail in Nigeria.

The tradition has been faithfully sustained by successive Sultans and continues to this day.

Confirming the history of the prayers, Alhaji Yusuf Abubakar III, a descendant of Sheikh Usmanu bin Fodiyo, told Daily Trust that the initiative was born out of the political instability and tension that followed the 1966 coup.

“The country was at a standstill, with widespread apprehension and uncertainty about its future,” he said. “The coup appeared sectional, and the fear was palpable. That was why the then Sultan initiated the daily prayer sessions at the two main mosques in the state.”

He said the practice has remained uninterrupted, with Imams gathering every morning to recite the Qur’an and pray for peace, unity, and development in Sokoto State and Nigeria at large, adding that alms (sadaqat) are distributed after the prayers, seeking divine acceptance.

Yusuf noted that the relative peace enjoyed in Sokoto and its environs, as well as Nigeria’s continued unity, are signs that the prayers are being answered.

He said the current Sultan consistently emphasizes the importance of prayer, urging scholars to pray for national leaders and the wellbeing of the country.

“This palace stands for unity, good leadership, and national development,” he said.

Corroborating this account, the Wazirin Sokoto, Professor Sambo Junaidu, said the assassination of the Sardauna generated deep fear in the North, where he was regarded as a leader of exceptional stature.

“When Sardauna was killed, many believed his death could bring calamity upon the country,” he said. “With tension rising, Sultan Abubakar III summoned clerics to recite the Qur’an and pray for the restoration of peace. That intervention has since become a lasting tradition, especially as Nigeria later experienced coups, counter-coups, and a civil war.”

The late Sarkin Malaman Sokoto, Sheikh Buhari Sirdawa, who led the sessions for many years before his death some years ago, was quoted as saying the prayers had played a crucial role in keeping Nigeria united.

He described Sir Ahmadu Bello as an honest, kind, broad-minded, and just leader whose legacy continues to resonate across the North.

The current Sarkin Malaman Sokoto, Malam Yahya Na-Malam Boyi, told Daily Trust that the prayers commence daily at 9 a.m. and continue even when the Sultan is outside the state.

He explained that while similar prayers existed during the First and Second World Wars, they were intensified following the 1966 assassinations. Over time, the practice has been extended to major Juma’at mosques across the state, where clerics, under the leadership of chief imams, gather to pray for the state and the nation.

“The significance of these prayers cannot be overstated,” he said. “They are among the reasons the country has remained intact despite numerous challenges.”

Former Governor of Sokoto State, Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, who had once participated in the sessions during his administration, described Sokoto as a society founded on spirituality, commitment, and service.

“Our communities have survived centuries of challenges because of their strong faith in God,” he said, adding that the state would continue to uphold the tradition and encourage similar initiatives elsewhere.

Reflecting on the legacy of the late Premier, Tambuwal said Sokoto remains proud of Sir Ahmadu Bello’s contributions to the unity and development of Nigeria.

“Sardauna, alongside leaders such as Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, gave everything—including their lives—for the emergence of a better Nigeria,” he said.

The need to understand what went wrong led to the decision to document Nigeria’s history, and Northern Nigeria followed suit by establishing its own historical archive, library, and museum at Arewa House.

Explaining the museum’s role, Suleiman said, “We are more concerned with keeping objects—things that you can see, touch, and so on—recalling anything that reflects the history of Northern Nigeria.”

He added that many items in the residence are replicas, as “during the process of the coup everything got burnt,” and what remained was vandalised. Still, the museum strives to preserve the setting as it was, including the prayer area and bedroom, to help future generations understand the life of the Sardauna.

Reflecting on Sir Ahmadu Bello’s enduring legacy, Usman Suleiman stressed that his impact on leadership remains unmatched. “Since his demise, we have not been lucky to have somebody like him,” he said. Despite governing a vast and diverse Northern Region as one entity, “you can see that he performed remarkably in terms of administration.”

His contributions to education stand out strongly. Institutions such as Ahmadu Bello University, Technical College (now Kaduna Polytechnic), and several others remain living testimonies of his vision.

In Suleiman’s words, “Not only are they in existence, but they are doing well and contributing greatly to educational advancement.”

Beyond institutions, Sir Ahmadu Bello’s greatest legacy lies in unity, values, and leadership by example. “He always saw the North as one, i.e., one North, one party,” Suleiman recalled, referencing the slogan of the late Premier’s political party.

He emphasised that the values of trust, responsibility, and identity were central to the Sardauna’s philosophy, captured in the Northern motto “Work and Worship.”

He explained that sixty years after his demise, Sir Ahmadu Bello remains a symbol of purposeful leadership, unity, and selfless service.

For Northerners, though the January 15, 1966 coup took away their leader, it could not erase his legacy. It is believed that through Arewa House, his life, values, and contributions continue to speak, reminding generations of what leadership once meant and what it can be again.