61 years after Operation Wetie
Over 60 years after the bloody conflicts in the Western Region, the political class has once again stirred the hornet’s nest, reincarnating what was undoubtedly one of the darkest moments of Nigeria’s political evolution. Weekend Trust delves into the infamous Operation Wetie and its relevance in the current electioneering. Nigeria’s political history is not short […]
Over 60 years after the bloody conflicts in the Western Region, the political class has once again stirred the hornet’s nest, reincarnating what was undoubtedly one of the darkest moments of Nigeria’s political evolution.
Weekend Trust delves into the infamous Operation Wetie and its relevance in the current electioneering.
Nigeria’s political history is not short of moments and episodes where the present seems to echo the past with unsettling clarity. Among the most haunting of such memories is “Operation Wetie,” a violent chapter in the country’s First Republic that symbolised the breakdown of political order, ethnic suspicion, and democratic norms. Today, as tensions rise across the political landscape ahead of another electoral cycle, the phrase has quietly resurfaced.
Is Nigeria witnessing a reincarnation of “Operation Wetie,” or are the parallels overstated? In contextualizing it, one must look at what transpired in the old Western Region.
“Operation Wetie” in history
“Operation Wetie” was derived from the Yoruba phrase “wé ti e,” meaning “soak it”. It wasn’t merely a slogan. It became a chilling symbol of mob violence during the political crisis in Western Nigeria in the early 1960s. The crisis, which formed part of the broader instability that plagued Nigeria’s First Republic, was deeply rooted in political rivalry, ideological divisions, and ethnic loyalties.
At the centre of the storm was the dominant political force in the Western Region, the Action Group, led by the late sage Obafemi Awolowo. Awolowo’s progressive policies and strong regional base made him a formidable figure, but internal disagreements within the party soon fractured its cohesion.
A fierce feud emerged between Awolowo and his deputy, Samuel Ladoke Akintola. While Awolowo leaned toward a more ideological and opposition-driven stance at the federal level, Akintola preferred cooperation with the ruling coalition at the centre.
The differing ideological leanings transformed into a full-blown political crisis.
The Western Region House of Assembly became a theatre of chaos. Physical altercations broke out among lawmakers, and governance ground to a halt. The federal government, led by Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, intervened by declaring a state of emergency in the region in 1962. But rather than resolve tensions, the intervention deepened mistrust and resentment.
By 1964–1965, the crisis had escalated beyond political disagreement into widespread violence. The regional elections of 1965, widely perceived as rigged in favour of Akintola’s faction, which was then aligned with the Nigerian National Democratic Party, triggered outrage among opposition supporters. What followed was a gross descent into lawlessness.
Political thugs and angry citizens took to the streets. Opponents were attacked, homes were burnt, and perceived enemies were hunted down. The phrase “Operation Wetie” became associated with a particularly gruesome method of violence where victims were soaked with petrol and set ablaze. The brutality shocked the nation and drew international attention.
The violence was not random; it was politically motivated and often ethnically charged. Communities became battlegrounds, and the rule of law effectively collapsed in parts of the Western Region. The inability of institutions to contain the crisis exposed the fragility of Nigeria’s young democracy.
Ayomide Akinbode, while describing the sad episode of the Operation Wetie era, said, “It began as an election, but ended as a conflict of brothers against brothers, neighbours against neighbours, and friends against friends. What happened in the Western Region was more than a regional crisis. It’s the spark that opened the gates for the soldiers to march in, who ended Nigeria’s First Republic.”
“Operation Wetie” was not an isolated event. It was one of the final straws that broke the back of the First Republic. The widespread violence and political instability contributed directly to the military coup of January 1966, led by officers, including Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu.
The coup marked the end of civilian rule and the beginning of decades of military intervention in Nigerian politics. It also set the stage for further crises, including counter-coups and eventually the Nigerian Civil War.
Is Nigeria going down that lane again?
More than six decades later, Nigeria finds itself navigating another period of heightened political tension. While the country has made significant progress since it returned to civilian rule in 1999, underlying fault lines remain.
It was Governor Seyi Makinde who sparked the debate when he invoked Operation Wetie to caution against dragging Nigeria into a one-party state.
Speaking at the national summit of All Opposition Political Party Leaders in Ibadan, Makinde raised concerns over moves to turn Nigeria into a one-party state amidst internal crises facing the opposition.
“For those that are carrying on as if there’s no tomorrow. They should remember that “Operation Wetie” started from here. This is the same Wild Wild West,” Makinde said.
He added, “Back in 1950, this city hosted a conversation that helped shape Nigeria’s constitutional future. Those discussions were not perfect, but necessary. They were driven by a recognition that the structure of the nation was deliberately built, protected, and well-necessary debate. In many ways, this gathering carries the same responsibility.
“There are open efforts to consolidate legislative control under one party. At the same time, opposition parties are increasingly entangled in internal crises and legal battles that raise serious questions about their ability to function effectively.”
He cautioned that such developments shouldn’t be treated lightly, adding that it’s not the time for opposition leaders to be disengaged from politics.
“This isn’t something that we should treat lightly. I don’t want to think saboteurs are here. Because democracy isn’t destroyed overnight, it’s weakened step by step until people begin to feel it no longer works for them,” he said.
“When opposition becomes ineffective, democracy itself loses meaning. Democracy is not defined by the success of one party; it is defined by the existence of real alternatives. By the ability of citizens to choose.”
However, ahead of the upcoming elections, those familiar with events during Operation Wetie era warned that several troubling patterns have emerged. They pointed at the rising political rhetoric, the ethnic and religious mobilisation and the electoral distrust.
Speaking with our correspondent, Comrade Hakeem Alawuje, an Ibadan-based activist and a former military officer, cautioned that “Operation Wetie” is a scar we must never reopen, not even in words.
He said, “The deeply disturbing reference to ‘Operation Wetie’ in today’s political space is not only unacceptable, but it’s an insult to history and a direct affront to the peace-loving people of Yorubaland.”
According to him, “Operation Wetie” isn’t a metaphor but “a painful reminder of a dark era in Western Nigeria’s history when politics descended into barbarism, homes were burnt, lives were lost, and society was pushed to the brink of collapse. It represents the very worst of political desperation and lawlessness.”
Alawuje who leads the Yoruba Welfare Group, added, “Any attempt to resurrect or allude to such a tragedy, in any form, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
“It’s therefore shocking and completely indefensible that a sitting governor, Seyi Makinde, would be linked to rhetoric that echoes such a dangerous past. This is not just irresponsible, it’s a gross abuse of public trust and a betrayal of the duty to protect peace and unity.
“Let it be stated clearly: Yorubaland will not be dragged back into an era of chaos because of the careless utterances or political ambitions of any individual, no matter how highly placed.
“If these statements were indeed made, then anything short of an immediate, clear, and unreserved public retraction and apology is unacceptable.
“The people deserve clarity. They deserve reassurance. They deserve leaders who build peace, not those who flirt with the ghosts of violence.
“Furthermore, political leaders, traditional institutions, and all well-meaning stakeholders across Yorubaland must rise and speak with one voice: there’s no room; none whatsoever, for rhetoric that even remotely suggests a return to political violence. Governor Makinde must understand that words have consequences.
“History is watching. The people are watching. And any attempt, direct or indirect, to normalise or threaten unrest will be firmly resisted through lawful and democratic means.”
The role of political leaders cannot be overstated. In the 1960s, the actions and inactions of political elites contributed significantly to the escalation of the crisis. Today, leaders face a similar test.
Rhetoric matters. When political figures use inflammatory language or fail to condemn violence unequivocally, they create an environment where conflict can thrive according to analysts.
The Presidency and the ruling APC have also condemned the comments by Makinde, warning him against stoking violence, describing his comment as reckless and a clear threat to peace.
However, Gbade Ojo, a Professor of Political Science who is also from Ibadan, told our correspondent that while it’s wrong to invoke the Operation Wetie experience, the electorate appears to be docile to come out for any kind of protests for politicians.
He described Makinde’s comment as “nothing but funny exaggeration.” He said, “Exaggeration is saying that the politics of the First Republic were very crude. And there was what we call loyalty to the party, party affiliation. Now, Nigerians have lost confidence in public office holders. They have lost confidence.
Whatever happens, Nigerians are not ready to go and protest like that of the First Republic. One. So it’s not possible. Imagine when Bola Ige was assassinated in Ibadan. There was no protest as if a fowl was killed. So if Bola Ige was assassinated in Ibadan and there was no protest, so if anything happens to any political leader, should the election be rigged, nothing will happen.”
He stated that the present docility of Nigerians can be gleaned from the recent voter’s apathy where few people come out to vote despite the rise in voters’ register.
Ojo stated, “Nigerians are gradually becoming apathetic. In fact, research finding has shown that registered voters are increasing, but actual votes are decreasing. So the implication is that Nigerians are no longer personate with the political system.
“So the issue of Operation Wet is an unnecessary exaggeration by Seyi Makinde. So if he should field any candidate and that candidate should lose the election, that is all. They can easily take over the state from him. Nothing will happen. They did the same thing for Bola Ige. They took over the state for the late Dr. Omololu Olunloyo of NPN for Bola Ige, and nothing happened.
“Nothing happened. So, what matters is that Seyi Makinde lacks strategists. His case is similar to the current Olubadan, Oba Rasheed Ladoja.
“When Ladoja was governor, when he was supposed to go to Accord, he didn’t go in good time until the deputy upturned it within the same party.
“When he was supposed to have defected to retain the state, he was slow in taking decisions, similarly, Seyi Makinde. Seyi Makinde ought to have asked his people to go to ADC before now. So, he is the one who is supposed to have sponsored a candidate in ADC so that he can raise the hand of the person that my people don’t vote for PDP candidates.”
“They needed to say it to perhaps frighten the federal government that they should not be funny in rigging the state because Tinibu looks desperate. It was like the case of Obasanjo when he was president. He wanted to capture the South West because the South West did not vote for PDP for Obasanjo. And he wanted to capture the South West. He overran the A.D. then. So Seyi Makinde may be afraid that Tinubu may want to overrun the South West. He needed to be so courageous in talking.
“Whether you have money or not, you need to be courageous in saying, ‘Look if you want to overrun the Southwest, don’t forget the Operation Wetie experience.’ But that Operation Wetie experience is no more relevant. Nigerians cannot be mobilised in support of any political actor now.
“If Nigerians are mobilized, they will only be youth. And it was #EndSARS. Anything out of that, forget it. Forget it.”