Amend 1999 Constitution to punish opportunistic defections
The recent gale of defections from opposition political parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) still leaves Nigerians in shock and perplexity. An earth-shaking one occurred when the Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, and his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, recently abandoned the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the APC. It was followed by the defection […]
The recent gale of defections from opposition political parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) still leaves Nigerians in shock and perplexity. An earth-shaking one occurred when the Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, and his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, recently abandoned the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the APC. It was followed by the defection of six PDP lawmakers in the National Assembly from Delta State to the APC. On Tuesday, May 6, 2025, all the House of Assembly members in Delta and Edo states, elected on the platform of the PDP, migrated to APC.
In Enugu State, two Labour Party (LP) lawmakers switched to the PDP, while Yunusa Adamu Dangwani, a former close ally of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, defected from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the APC in Kano. One other notable defection from the APC to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) was by Nasir El-Rufai, a former governor of Kaduna State. There are speculations that more governors in opposition parties are warming up to jump ship to the APC. The default excuse tendered by these defectors is that the party on which they rode to power was engulfed in crisis.
No matter the reason, defections among Nigerian politicians are reckless; they point to a lack of discipline. The indiscipline is not just about party loyalty or party ideology, but the lack of values. This lack of discipline is manifest in the political chaos in Nigeria.
The habit of dumping one’s political party for another before the end of an election cycle is very rampant in Nigeria but rare in other West African countries. For instance, in Ghana, which runs a unitary system of government, Members of Parliament (MPs) hardly dump the party that elected them for another party. Over the last decade, the only case in reference was that of a parliamentarian, Andrew Amoako Asiamah, who contested the 2020 election as an independent candidate after falling out with the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP). But he later aligned himself with the NPP caucus. It demonstrates the parliamentarian’s commitment to the ideology, principles, values, and strategies of the NPP. No wonder there tends to be better political stability in Ghana than there is in Nigeria.
As a result of defections, opposition parties have become weaker and weaker and are unable to play important roles in our democracy. It is not a shame to be a member of an opposition party. Checks and balances, as a principle of democracy, are possible if there are vibrant opposition parties to scrutinise government actions, policies, and decisions and to prevent abuse of power.
Opposition parties are expected to provide alternative policies by offering different perspectives and policy options, giving voters a choice beyond the ruling party. They also provide an opportunity for minority groups and those dissatisfied with the government to air their diverse voices. Without opposition parties, there cannot be healthy political debates on national issues that can ensure informed decision-making. When there is one-party dominance, it will be difficult to hold political leaders accountable for corruption, inefficiency, waste of resources, and weak governance.
Without a genuine opposition party, it will be difficult to campaign for genuine reforms in governance, in the polity, and in the economy. In serious democratic nations, opposition parties are well-institutionalised, and there are legal frameworks to protect them. There are frameworks that enable them to operate without hindrance.
The 1999 Constitution must be amended to close loopholes exploited by opportunistic politicians to defect to ruling parties. It is good to clearly state the nature, ramifications, and obvious degree of crisis in a political party that could warrant the change of camp by those elected on its platform. In reality, there are no political parties all over the world that do not face one internal crisis or another. What other politicians do is to iron out their differences and keep their parties together.
Nigerian politicians must work at their internal challenges and sort them out instead of moving to another party that has kept its house in order.
We advocate that, just as it is applicable to legislators, the Constitution should be amended to extend the potential loss of elective positions to presidents, governors, and local government chairmen who defect from the party that elected them to executive positions to another party. It will not be too stringent to demand that any elected politician who intends to change party before the end of their tenure should refund all salaries, allowances, and privileges they enjoyed under the banner of their previous party.
The law should even make it mandatory for new elections to be conducted for executive or legislative positions to determine whether politicians who intend to decamp still enjoy the confidence of the people who elected them under their previous party.
Defections are a major challenge in the country’s politics. They are responsible for political rascality across the country. Elected politicians who do not deliver social services but belong to the ruling party are unaccountable to the people. This is not good for our democracy; it is injurious to the socio-economic development of Nigeria.