Decline in leadership mirrors challenges in North – Ambassador Mai-Sule

Ambassador Ibrahim Baba Mai-Sule is the Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF). The former Nigerian ambassador to Indonesia, in this interview, discussed the leadership crisis in the forum among other issues.   Your Excellency, in September this year, the Weekend Trust published a story titled: Who will Rescue […]

Ambassador Ibrahim Baba Mai-Sule is the Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF). The former Nigerian ambassador to Indonesia, in this interview, discussed the leadership crisis in the forum among other issues.

 

Your Excellency, in September this year, the Weekend Trust published a story titled: Who will Rescue the North? Many people expressed their disenchantment, particularly the younger generation with the state of the North. But there have been continued criticisms of northern leaders, with the Arewa Consultative Forum  (ACF)  being accused of deviating from its objectives. What do you say to this?

I think it’s fair to say I’ve been involved in these matters for quite some time. I remember working with the late Sunday Awoniyi. We engaged in efforts to address northern issues as far back as then, during the early days of ACF’s formation.

Under his leadership, the forum achieved significant successes, largely because of his determination, eloquence and sincerity. Although he ventured into politics later in life, he was fundamentally a committed administrator.

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However, I must admit that the leadership quality has not been the same since his time. The decline in leadership has mirrored the challenges the North faces today. When the ACF was established in 2000, it was a merger of various organisations, including the Northern Elders Forum, led by Abdulrahman Okene, and the Unity and Development Forum. The name “Arewa Consultative Forum” was actually coined by the current Emir of Ilorin.

The goal was to unify these groups under one umbrella, and for a time, that was achieved. But later, the Northern Elders Forum re-emerged, arguing that the ACF, as a cultural and non-political organisation, could not effectively address the region’s challenges. This division created setbacks.

While some efforts have been made to revitalise the ACF, I agree there is a lot of unfinished work.

I believe there should have been a document outlining the North’s key needs, which could be used as a bargaining tool. Unfortunately, I’m not sure such a framework exists.

So yes, while some progress has been made, there is no denying that the ACF has fallen short of its original vision. That is an undeniable fact.

 

Some argue that the ACF has served its purpose and should step aside to allow other associations to take the lead in addressing the region’s challenges. What is your view on this?

There are two ways to look at this. The ACF can certainly be reinvigorated. Recently, we’ve seen the emergence of another group, the League of Northern Democrats, which includes some members of the ACF. This new group is showing promising beginnings.

The core idea is that many of us believe the interests of the North can only be advanced if we work collaboratively rather than at cross-purposes. This effort is already showing progress, as the League has provided a strong lead in fostering unity.

They have initiated dialogue with the Northern Elders Forum and the Middle Belt Forum, aiming to bring all parties together. If this collaboration continues and succeeds in aligning these groups, it will strengthen the region’s collective voice. Those who may have previously been sceptical or seen as rivals could be more readily accepted by others once this unity is achieved.

The most critical point, however, is avoiding divisive rhetoric or working at cross-purposes. 

 

But the ACF is embroiled in a leadership crisis…

There is an ongoing effort to address the situation and move past it. As someone who serves as the vice-chairman of the Board of Trustees, I don’t think assigning blame to individuals—whether Mr A or Mr B—is productive at this point.

What I can say is that some elders are determined not to let the matter remain unresolved. 

Some have attributed the crisis to a clash of personalities between the National Executive Council (NEC) chairman and the BOT chairman.  What are your thoughts on this?

That’s precisely why I prefer not to delve into the details—it’s a sensitive matter. The reality is that both individuals were classmates and have been very good friends for a long time.

While there may have been differences between them, I believe these issues have been addressed or are in the process of being resolved. I hold them in high regard and respect them deeply.

I’ve spoken with each of them personally and closely. Based on these discussions, I am confident that the situation will ultimately be resolved positively.

 

Are you concerned that political interests, especially as we approach 2027, may exploit this crisis to divide the ACF?

I think it’s a bit premature for anyone seriously familiar with Nigerian politics to focus on 2027. We’re still in 2024. While it’s true that once an election is over, preparations for the next cycle begin, I don’t believe this current situation will be used to create further divisions.

The priority for everyone involved is to address the real issues facing the North. Insecurity remains a major challenge, poverty levels are alarmingly high, and the number of out-of-school children continues to rise. These are far more pressing concerns than a clash of personalities.

Personally, I feel a sense of moral responsibility. Even if we aren’t directly involved in leadership today, our generation bears some guilt for the current state of affairs.

At 73, I can say this isn’t the country we inherited or the values we upheld. We owe an apology to the younger generation for the state of things. It’s a collective failing of our generation—a truth we must confront.

 

Why did your generation allow things to deteriorate to this level?

I think it boils down to the way politics became so commercialised. Perhaps it was a transitional problem when the military handed over power, and the fears and concerns at that time shaped the kind of leadership that emerged. Over time, the quality of people entering politics diminished, and money took centre stage.

I recall years ago when the late Mohamed Goni became governor of Borno. He was working for the National Supply Company, and the elders approached him because they saw him as the right person to provide leadership. It wasn’t about money—it was about capacity. He stepped up and performed exceptionally well.

Now, however, candidates emerge primarily because they can bankroll the party structures. They essentially buy their way into leadership. This shift has distorted the entire system. Today, party executives often wield more power than chairpersons, and governors control party structures to serve their own interests.

This deterioration has led to immense confusion and a significant decline in political quality. 

To fix this, we need to cleanse the system, but it will take time, especially given the high poverty levels that politicians now exploit. Poverty has become a tool used against the people.

Back in our time, the advantages we enjoyed were immense. For instance, as students, we received scholarships on time, allowances were paid before deadlines, and we were guaranteed jobs before leaving school. 

Take the issue of power generation, for example. Over 60 years after independence, we are still struggling with 12,000 megawatts, of which only 5,000 can be transmitted. 

Continued on www.dailytrust.com

 

Meanwhile, neighbouring Egypt has achieved over 20,000 megawatts, largely through solar energy, within a few years.

We focused too much on a single source of power generation. Other countries decentralised—using hydro, solar, and gas—but we didn’t. Nigeria’s size demands decentralisation. Each geopolitical zone should develop its own power solutions, but this hasn’t been prioritised.

It’s disheartening. Our generation bears a lot of guilt for the state of the nation. Even if we weren’t directly involved, we still had opportunities to influence change but didn’t do enough.

 

You were a vocal critic of the Buhari administration, which surprised many given your background.  And now, some people say you’ve been relatively quiet…

Perhaps it’s my age. It’s not that I’ve grown quiet, but my approach has always been consistent. Those who know me understand how I express my views.

That said, the political system has become entirely commercialized, and party structures are now beyond control. This isn’t just about one administration; it’s a generational problem. We failed to prepare adequately for the future.

At this stage in life, my focus isn’t on critiquing individuals but on supporting efforts to nurture capable leaders. 

The North, in particular, needs to come together and address critical issues: rapid population growth, poverty, unequal opportunities, and a widening educational gap. These are the real challenges we must tackle if we’re to make meaningful progress.

 

There has been some disenchantment by people from the North- central region and minority ethnic groups in the North-east and North-west. They feel marginalised in ACF affairs. Do you agree with these concerns?

The individual who brought the ACF its prestige came from the Middle Belt. He played a pivotal role in shaping the organisation, especially in its early days. His influence helped guide ACF, and even after his passing, his legacy remained strong. Even when leadership changed hands, ACF never lost its direction. So, I believe the North- central has no reason to feel overlooked—it is the core of ACF’s foundation.

When the ACF was formed in Kaduna, much of the work and leadership came from the Middle Belt. It’s important to remember that North-central, more than any other region, helped craft the very identity of the ACF. 

Some say that when it comes to decisions about the North, the region is often sidelined.

That’s a common sentiment, but I don’t think it’s a valid complaint. Sometimes, it’s not about what you receive, but about pushing for more. For example, in the past, the North-east had the largest number of permanent secretaries in government, more than any other region. Yet, even then, there were complaints. Now, the concern is that everything is focused on the North-west, perhaps due to the greater number of states and a larger population in that region. It’s part of the dynamics, but it’s something we have to keep addressing.

 

You mentioned earlier the importance of structure within the ACF. Some have expressed concerns that many of the necessary structures have not been fully constituted. For instance, your Board of Trustees (BOT) currently has only three active members, while the constitution allows for over 200. Are there plans to fully constitute these structures?

Yes, during our last meeting in September, a format was introduced for people to select the committees they wanted to serve on. Members were identified, but the process hasn’t been finalised yet.

There’s been a debate about the decreasing number of BOT members. Initially, it was set at nine per state—three representatives per senatorial zone. However, even with this arrangement, attendance at meetings has been low. Many of the initial BOT members have unfortunately passed away.

That’s why the September meeting aimed to harmonise the structure and bring in more people, as outlined in the constitution. A committee led by Professor Auwalu Yadudu, has been tasked with reviewing the constitution and recommending a way forward.

Regarding some of the pressing issues the country is facing now. The tax reform bills are among the top, many believe that the ongoing crisis within the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) is part of the reasons the North has not been able to harmonise its position.

I’ve spoken to quite a number of people about this, particularly regarding the tax reform bills, and I must say it’s unfortunate how things have played out at the National Assembly. The lack of a unified approach is a real concern.

As you rightly noted, the original vision behind creating prominent northern groups like the ACF, the League of Northern Democrats (LND), and the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) was to foster a collective approach to key issues. We’ve seen this happen in the past, like before the elections when we met in Kaduna and invited presidential candidates for discussions. That model was successful and should have been replicated here.

However, it’s important to note that the responsibility doesn’t lie solely with the ACF. The LND or NEF could also take up the mantle to unify northern voices. Unfortunately, internal divisions and overlapping memberships between these groups have delayed the kind of coordinated effort that is needed.

Regarding the tax reform bills specifically, I’ve received the document—it’s quite bulky, and I’ve been working my way through it. From what I’ve seen, the main issues revolve around how tax revenue is distributed. There’s debate about whether taxes should be based on where products are consumed, where they are manufactured, or where company headquarters are located.

These are critical questions, and the lack of a unified northern stance on such a vital economic matter is concerning. I agree that a collective approach led by a body like the ACF would have been more effective. However, other groups like the LND or NEF could still step in to address this gap.

At the same time, we must acknowledge the significant financial challenges the country faces. Solving many of these issues requires resources, and ensuring proper tax reforms is central to addressing them. That said, the National Economic Council, which includes the Vice-President, all governors, the Central Bank Governor, and other key figures, should have been the forum to resolve these issues collaboratively without leaving room for fragmentation.

 

There are arguments that the Northern governors and traditional rulers, as well as the Northern Elders Forum, may have rushed their decisions. Questions have been raised about whether these stakeholders thoroughly examined the provisions before taking  positions. Additionally, the National Economic Council (NEC) has made its stance, but some claim it is merely an advisory body without any binding authority. Do you think the issue has been politicised?

I think it’s because the politics have taken over. I admit I haven’t fully gone through the tax reform document myself—it’s quite bulky, though I’ve had it printed out for easier review. From what I’ve gathered, there are provisions in the bill that some argue would bring significant benefits. For instance, exemptions from certain taxes would apply to groups that are likely concentrated in the North.

However, the critical issue is the rushed approach. Bringing the reforms to the legislature for consideration without ensuring a thorough understanding among stakeholders may not have been the best course of action. This kind of haste can lead to divisions, especially when the details aren’t clear to everyone involved.

We’ve endured enough challenges in this country, and I believe it’s vital to avoid reawakening unnecessary North-South divides. That’s why it’s important to tread carefully on matters like this, ensuring proper consultation and understanding before decisions are made.

The reality is, these reforms are tied to revenue generation for the country. But the conversation needs to be about what works best for everyone and how each region can sustain itself. There’s also speculation about whether the reforms might push for a shift in governance structures—such as states being weakened in favour of zonal or federal arrangements—but these remain uncertainties.

Ultimately, the priority should be ensuring that everyone, especially leaders, has a clear understanding of the provisions. People need time to study these reforms and comprehend their implications. Without that, we risk politicising the issues and further dividing ourselves.