Defections, judicial overreach, gubernatorial excesses undermining our nation

Nigeria’s democracy stands at a dangerous crossroads today. What we are witnessing is not just ordinary political challenges, but a systematic erosion of the very foundations of representative government. Three interconnected crises have emerged as existential threats to our democratic experiment: the shameless cross-carpeting of politicians between parties, the disturbing trend of courts determining election […]

Nigeria’s democracy stands at a dangerous crossroads today. What we are witnessing is not just ordinary political challenges, but a systematic erosion of the very foundations of representative government. Three interconnected crises have emerged as existential threats to our democratic experiment: the shameless cross-carpeting of politicians between parties, the disturbing trend of courts determining election winners rather than voters, and the alarming concentration of power in the hands of state governors.

Together, these phenomena are creating a political system where the will of the people matters less than backroom deals, legal technicalities, and the whims of a few powerful individuals.

The epidemic of political defections has perhaps become the most visible symptom of our democratic malaise. We have reached a point where elected officials change parties with such frequency and impunity that the very concept of party loyalty has become meaningless. The constitution’s attempt to check this behaviour through Section 68(1)(g) has been rendered toothless by judicial interpretations that create loopholes you could drive a truck through.

The case of Rivers State in 2023, where 27 lawmakers defected from PDP to APC yet kept their seats despite public outrage, shows how broken our system has become. When politicians like former Senate President Bukola Saraki can switch parties three times in five years without consequences, we must ask: what exactly are voters choosing when they cast their ballots?

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Making matters worse is the judiciary’s troubling new role as alternative route to power. The Supreme Court’s 2020 decision in Imo State, where it removed the legitimately elected Emeka Ihedioha and installed Hope Uzodinma, who came fourth in the election, marked a turning point in our democratic backsliding. Similar judicial interventions in Bayelsa and other states have created a situation where election results feel provisional – mere suggestions until courts make the final determination.

The 2019 case in Akwa Ibom, where Governor Udom Emmanuel’s clear victory was nearly overturned by the tribunal, demonstrated how vulnerable electoral mandates have become to legal technicalities. When citizens start believing their votes don’t actually determine who governs them, democracy becomes nothing more than a facade.

Most insidious of all is the way state governors have transformed into political emperors, controlling not just government but also party machinery, legislatures and local administrations. The reality today is that most state party chairmen are mere figureheads, with real power resting in the governor’s office. Through their control of State Independent Electoral Commission, governors ensure only their parties win local government elections – the 2023 Lagos council polls where APC “won” all 377 seats amid opposition boycott being a perfect example.

The Joint Account system has become a tool for strangling local government autonomy, with governors routinely withholding funds from councils that show any independence.

What makes this situation particularly dangerous is how these three crises reinforce each other. Governors pressure lawmakers to defect, knowing courts will likely allow it. Judges face political pressure from governors who control judicial appointments.

Opposition parties can’t build alternative structures because governors control the electoral machinery. It’s a vicious cycle that’s leading us toward authoritarian federalism – a system where elections exist in name only, opposition is systematically suffocated, and governance serves the interests of a small political elite rather than the Nigerian people.

Breaking this destructive pattern requires bold, comprehensive reforms. We need constitutional amendments that actually punish defectors rather than reward them. Our judiciary needs clearer standards that prioritise voter intent over technicalities.

Most urgently, we must implement true local government autonomy and establish genuine independence for state electoral commissions. The alternative – a Nigeria where elections are decided by defections, court rulings and gubernatorial fiat rather than voter preferences – is too bleak to contemplate.

As we approach 2027, the choice before us is clear: either we undertake these difficult reforms, or we watch our democracy continue its alarming decline. The time for half-measures and piecemeal solutions has passed. What’s needed now is nothing less than a fundamental rethinking of how power is distributed and constrained in our political system. Our democracy’s survival depends on it.

 

Hussaini mni, resides in Jos