Elections in Guinea Conakry

Already two years behind schedule, the elections were the first democratic vote since Guinea Conakry gained independence from France in 1958. Guinea last held legislative elections in 2002; another one scheduled for 2007 did not occur due to a series of crisesThe country’s political instability, military intervention and misrule have meant its bauxite, iron ore, […]

Already two years behind schedule, the elections were the first democratic vote since Guinea Conakry gained independence from France in 1958.
Guinea last held legislative elections in 2002; another one scheduled for 2007 did not occur due to a series of crises
The country’s political instability, military intervention and misrule have meant its bauxite, iron ore, gold and diamond reserves have failed to translate into prosperity and progress for the country of 11.5 million people.
About 2,000 candidates vied for 114 seats in the National Assembly elections which were regarded as a dress rehearsal for the presidential poll coming up in 2015 when incumbent President Alpha Conde’s five-year tenure is due to come to an end.
The elections pitted a coalition that backed Conde’s RPG party against an opposition alliance rallied around Cello Dalein Diallo, leader of the UFDG party. Conde defeated Diallo in the 2010 presidential run-off.
The fact that the elections passed off peacefully is a hopeful sign that the country may be on a path to stability and democratic governance, because a disputed result could reignite ethnic and political violence that killed dozens in the run-up to voting.
Not surprising, there were organisational difficulties, made worse by poor resources. Problems arising from the voting itself were quickly addressed in order to give room for escalation to more serious trouble.
Observer missions, comprising principally officials from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), African Union (AU), among others, noted in their comments that these glitches did not significantly call into question the credibility of the polls. European Union observers were however more circumspect.
Elected lawmakers are expected to replace a transitional council that has been in place since 2010, and a smooth election could usher in a period of stability needed to attract investments in Guinea’s mining sector where investor interest has waned due to the political violence and the collapse of metal prices.
But this could all go wrong with tension rising over the non-release of the full official results of the elections, some two weeks after they took place.   Some of the results, which the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was supposed to publish on October 2, were only announced in piecemeal fashion. Already, some incidents of violence, though not on a large scale, have been reported. Worried shopkeepers, particularly in the capital Conakry, have closed their business, apprehensive of what might happen next. The opposition is crying foul, alleging fraud.  In fact, the opposition last Thursday week announced the withdrawal of their representatives from the national tally commission.
These operational lapses can be addressed, and should be done quickly in order to sustain the current tempo towards democratisation.
Regional organisations, particularly ECOWAS and the Union should move quickly to mediate among the various political factions to minimise the risk of violence breaking out. The United Nations and the EU can also help the process.
The Guinean INEC should not delay announcing the complete results to encourage the opposition, which has already called for the elections to be annulled, not to call on their members to take to the streets.
A return to the violence of the past, and the instability that it entails, would represent a serious drawback to the current democratic journey that Guineans have embarked upon. That should not be allowed to happen.