Enough is enough: Silence is not an option

As of today, millions of Nigerians believe protesting against bad governance and inhumane policies is justifiable. Even clerics are finding a way to justify how protests are permissible under a democratic government. It is not an exaggeration to say Nigeria is on the edge. Among the youths, a large chunk of the people believe that […]

As of today, millions of Nigerians believe protesting against bad governance and inhumane policies is justifiable. Even clerics are finding a way to justify how protests are permissible under a democratic government.

It is not an exaggeration to say Nigeria is on the edge. Among the youths, a large chunk of the people believe that it is justifiable to protest as soaring prices plunge millions of households below the waterline. I do not want to imagine what fury awaits the country this August. One thing is certain, democracy will not end when people take to the streets in protest: on the contrary.

Before I get accused of incitement under the Public Order Act, this is no clarion call for riots. This is to say that a democracy that is unable to satisfy the basic needs of its citizens, brings mass unrest on itself. Martin Luther King aptly observed that “a riot is the language of the unheard”; how else can ordinary people force the powerful to listen?

I feel a democracy that cannot provide basic needs for the people has the tendency to cause widespread unrest. Martin Luther King said, “A riot is the language of the unheard.” This means that riots happen when the voices of the citizens are not listened to. How else can ordinary people make the powerful pay attention? Waiting for 2027 to come will not deal with the imminent humanitarian catastrophe we face.

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In my opinion, this proposed protest is entirely legitimate. People’s rage needs to be channelled in ways that can actually force the administrators of this Tinubu government to satisfy popular demands without laying waste to major Nigerian cities. If you are wondering why other governments across the world are doing more to prevent social crises, the answer is simple: It is because they anticipate mass protests if they fail to act.

A few days ago, a TV political commentator discussed the main grievance of Kenyan protesters. They are opposing the Finance Bill 2024, which suggests new taxes on essential goods and services. He mused, “Another one of those charts which makes you wonder why Kenyans are always so angry with their government.” Kenya’s rulers fear that citizens will express their rage with protests in the streets, which discourages attacks on their living standards.

Kenya, similar to France, has a history of popular unrest that provides legitimacy to public protests. The results over the decades speak for themselves. In 1997, brutal police crackdowns on demonstrators acted as a trigger for broader strikes and mass protests. Fearing widespread unrest, the government was forced to negotiate with the protest leaders, leading to significant concessions and reforms.

Nearly two decades later, as President, Uhuru Kenyatta would also become the target of popular wrath after his government sought to implement harsh economic policies, including tax hikes and austerity measures. When Kenyatta’s administration tried to stand its ground, weeks of mass strikes, workplace occupations, and popular protests forced the administration into a grinding retreat.

Similarly, President William Ruto believed his election victory in 2022 offered a mandate to impose regressive economic policies. His attempt to introduce new taxes through the Finance Bill 2024 – a policy that disproportionately affected the poorest – led to a social explosion in the form of widespread protests. Once again, the people in the streets won. “No policy is worth jeopardising the unity of the nation,” Ruto’s chastened administration eventually conceded.

Much attention has rightly focused on how public discontent has forced the Kenyan government to reconsider its economic policies. But any Kenyan government without a political death wish would surely prefer to invest in protecting living standards rather than drive the masses to the barricades. Put simply, Kenya’s rulers fear their people. In Nigeria, as things stand, they do not. They feel sprinkling money or sharing food can end any protest.

The reasons for this are not culturally ingrained. Our own establishment prefers us to forget it. But Nigerians have stood up against the military and even the colonial masters at various times when the going gets tough.

And Nigeria has experienced significant resistance movements even before many European revolutions. From anti-colonial uprisings to the labour strikes of the 1940s, 1950s, and even the 1990s, agitation is as Nigerian as jollof rice. Our complicity in forgetting our history—believing we are inherently docile and will limit our unrest to social media rants—allows our leaders to think they can get away with almost anything.

The emergence of a new mass campaign to protest against the bad policies of this administration offers real hope that popular resistance is returning to Nigeria. This movement is particularly significant. It has the potential to create a strong leadership. Its task is clear: a crash course in civil resistance for the Tinubu administration.

If our leaders are terrified of their own people, drastic measures to protect living standards will follow quickly. As the economic hardships increase, a wave of protests must be imminent.