Innovation and election Nigeriana 2015

He has struggled to build peace in Mali, Central African Republic, Gabon, Cameroun, and the two Congos, and was deeply alarmed by predictions by international speculators that Nigeria was the next market for lucrative sales of weapons; career bonanza for  Euro-American correspondents and photo-journalists, and university experts in African disasters. Palpably relieved, he kept saying: […]

He has struggled to build peace in Mali, Central African Republic, Gabon, Cameroun, and the two Congos, and was deeply alarmed by predictions by international speculators that Nigeria was the next market for lucrative sales of weapons; career bonanza for  Euro-American correspondents and photo-journalists, and university experts in African disasters. Palpably relieved, he kept saying: ‘’Nigeria has made Africa proud; Nigeria has provided the leadership needed all across Africa in managing our own affairs’’. Africa celebrates Africa.
The flood of 1.77 million votes cast for Nasir El-Rufai in Kaduna State recalls a legacy of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) fielding barbers, bicycle repairers, and tailors as candidates. They shocked British colonial officials by trouncing aristocrats fielded by the ruling Northern People’s Congress (NPC). If a ‘Talakawa (poor people) Production Planning Unit’ was established in each constituency to guide his administration, it would echo Mallam Aminu Kano’s vision of politics by and for people’s development.
Professor Bathily’s enthusiasm over Nigeria avoiding post-election mayhem contrasts with South Sudan where the mere anticipation of election victory in 2014 by a Dinka leadership under Salva Kiir, incited pre-emptive rebellion by Riek Machar, a Nuer, who previously rebelled against John Garang, himself a Dinka leader, during the struggle against Arab-dominated Sudan. Euro-American powers unhappy about China’s entry into South Sudan’s oil and other mineral sectors have fuelled the conflict. Over a million people are now refugees; while over twenty thousand civilians have been killed. If Dinkas, as the largest nationality vote solely along ‘’tribal marks’’, it creates a ‘’tyranny of numbers’’. In Nigeria, minority groups in Benue, Delta, Kogi, Borno, Akwa Ibom and other States feel bitter about similar political arithmetic. Constitutionally stipulated rotation of top executive posts would open skies of hope.
In Ethiopia, the ruling ‘’revolutionary’’ minority Tigre avoids a democracy based a premature arithmetical majority before formerly victims of Amhara oppression experience governance for their own development and can fight to promote it. Meles Zenawe and President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda shared the view that votes cast in an election cannot be allowed to overthrow creating a ‘’revolution’’. It is a season of creative instability.
In Burundi the wife of an opposition leader was recently shot – while she pampered her hair inside a saloon – to sustain a culture of terror among the Hutu majority population while eliminating their most talented political organizers hungry for the democracy of arithmetical majority rule.
In Ghana the numerical balance between the Ashanti and Ewe tills power to smaller ethnic groups in the south, west, north-central and northern region. While it forces political combatants to fight with ideas and concrete proposals for development, it stokes fumes of desperation and violence when votes are close.
In Kenya, exploiting poverty and massive unemployment by recruiting the anger of alienated and disillusioned youths into militias for terrorizing voters and rigging elections remained attractive.
Nigeria’s 2015 elections wrath against corrupt local governance; insecurity and manipulations of religious sentiments were prevalent in the Caliphate North. As massive victims of Boko Haram violence and also beneficiaries of Jonathan’s presidency, the Igbo southeast voted against Buhari. The defence of Jonathan’s novel ethnic minority presidency and its economic rewards were dominant in the South-South zone.  
The Yoruba south-west showed votes rewarding good economic benefits by incumbents. In Benue State, Tiv angling for the Senate presidency; anti-corruption combined with fear of secession by Idoma and Igede ethnic groups, seemed significant.  
The youths who thronged Muhammadu Buhari’s rallies were enchanted by his promise of ending corruption which the late Dr Yusuf Bala Usman condemned among Local and State government officials. Unlike their counterparts in Indonesia, such misappropriated funds are not used to build industries that create employment. Their impunity has brewed latent violence. To the World Bank and the IMF they are potential beneficiaries of a pandemic of ‘’violence as a form of income’’.
The election results showed that ‘’federal character’’ in the leadership of political parties have limited force against pulls of ethno-religious appeals and gender bias. Nigeria could borrow Senegal’s 2012 constitutional directive that each political party present 50 per cent female candidates. A nationwide dialogue by community leaders, academia, politicians, journalists, professionals and women associations yielded it. Moreover, candidates to National or State Assemblies should win 25 per cent of votes in one auxiliary constituency in each of four zones of the country.  Elected members would acquire intensive knowledge about communities; and develop emotional empathies with voters across diverse zones.
Professor Jega should be appointed ambassador to Nepal and climb Mt Everest as his next challenge.