Mass Media and Society in Nigeria
This book of readings titled Mass Media and Society in Nigeria, in 16 chapters of 283 pages provides contextual contributions from an array of skilled communication tutors and journalism practitioners. It examines the growth and development of the mass media in Nigeria and captures the diverse dimensional dynamics in the media industry from post-independence Nigeria, […]
This book of readings titled Mass Media and Society in Nigeria, in 16 chapters of 283 pages provides contextual contributions from an array of skilled communication tutors and journalism practitioners. It examines the growth and development of the mass media in Nigeria and captures the diverse dimensional dynamics in the media industry from post-independence Nigeria, with the arrival in Abeokuta, of the lone Missionary inspired newspaper, the Iwe Irohin in 1859, to the present day pluralized media landscape with over 100 privately dominated newspapers and magazines, and over 70 registered broadcast stations that are mostly public owned; a situation resulting from the liberalization of the media industry in the early 1990s by the military.
The book, edited by Professor Lai Oso and Associate Professor Umaru Pate, two excellent Nigerian scholars of communication studies, in the first three chapters dwell on the socio-historical context of media development in Nigeria, government-media relations (1999-2005) and portrayal of diversity in the Nigerian media. In Chapter one by Oso, Odunlami and Adaja, evangelism and shrewd political propagation by early missionaries and later, political struggle for independence and inclusion by nationalists, are noted as historical and social factors that shaped the structure and function of the mass media in the Nigerian society, thereby symbolizing the role of the media in a subjective association for a “competitive struggle to influence and control popular perceptions of key political events and issues.”
In chapter two, Ogbondah notes that the rights and obligations in sections 39(1-2), 16 and 22 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for freedom of expression and press freedom; and the obligation to hold government accountable to the people, have been the key source of ‘tension’ between the state and the press. He observes corruption, lack of accountability, poverty and misery, among others as issues that draw intense criticism in the press, creating extremely delicate environments and circumstances for the media and politicians, especially during the pre-democratic era, when military dictatorships clamped down with fatal consequences on the media.
Chapter three by Okidu titled “One State, Many Nations: Media Portrayal of Multiple Identities in Nigeria” documents how the media has since pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras; and democratic dispensations, failed to transcend beyond the use of “sub-national loyalties within the larger nation state” to compete for political space and economic superiority amongst fused multi-cultural, multi-social identities. It recommends the media to focus on its social responsibility by integrating the diverse populations as opposed to its unsuccessful trials of engendering animosity.
Chapters four and five discuss contemporary issues in mass media and governance and the impact of commercialism on health communication. In the former, Tejumaiye and Adelabu, while evaluating the role of the mass media in Nigeria described it as a “mixed blessing” that has been defined by its historical development and the complex socio-economic environment. They stress that because the media constructs and shapes reality, governance as a form of political system whose authority is exercised in the equitable management of economic and social resources is impossible without the mass media effectively functioning as a tool for ‘mediating’ social constructs and realities, including the communication of government policies and strategies for attaining the desired development, while constantly providing “continuous line of thought contact with the main institutions of the society”.
Chapter six by Pate chronicles government-press relations from December 1984 to August 1985 when the military regime of General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the democratic government of Shehu Shagari and sought national reconstruction and reorientation to revamp the economy, restore confidence in governance, institute discipline and fight corruption among Nigerians. The regime wanted the media (both public and private) to facilitate its success through national mobilization, especially for its War Against Indiscipline (WAI), but with the emerging hatred, from both sides, due to varying perception of roles, the media regarding the regime as illegitimate, unaccountable and unpopular, sought to discharge their civic responsibility but was clamped with draconian decrees (2 and 4 of 1984) that gave absolute powers to the military to arrest, detain, torture or jail journalists perceived as threats to the regime, resulting in deaths in some cases.
In “Press under the Military: The IBB Years”, again Professor Oso discusses media relations during the military era on the ideology that the media as the Fourth Estate of the Realm (though still emerging in Nigeria) as conceptualized by George Boyce (1978), to mean freedom from state control and interference, is ascribed a normative role that conceals constraints of “factors”, “power”, “class relations”, “diversity and pluralism in ownership and control”, “professionalism”, among others. He concludes that capitalism, “the main force that brought forth the concept of fourth estate and even public sphere has been the main limiting factor” for the actualization of its objective.
Drumming up expected moral contributions from the mass media in a society amid the challenges posed by new media technologies in ethical practice, especially regarding credibility of information and facts provided by these technologies, chapter nine by Kayode reviews journalism ethics and x-rays several ethical theories and principles, suggesting appropriate application to advocate for ideal ethical-based journalism in Nigeria for the change so desired, as well as the need to introduce or revise ethical teachings in journalism and mass communication institutions to contribute to the “improvements in the ethical environment of the media”.
In chapter ten, Professor Pate again, studying newspaper coverage of human rights during the military regime of General Sani Abacha (1993-1998) notes that the media sought to promote and protect human rights as its social responsibility in a sophisticated and plural landscape where human rights abuses were constantly perpetuated with impunity. He concludes that despite the involvement of both public and private owned newspapers in the coverage of human rights, the coverage deviated from realities and justified government violations.
Like the preceding chapter, Olatunji critiques human rights abuses, but between 1986 and 2003, in cartoons that appeared in public and private Nigerian newspapers during the eras of economic resuscitation in both military and civilian administrations. It notes that harsh economic environment bred social discontent and while trying to suppress opposition to government programmes, gross violations of human rights thrived. Key findings were that women and children rights/right to quality health got the highest representation while right to education got the least; and these were depicted in the cartoons through humour, ridicule and sarcasm. It calls for the institution of an alternative economic programme to mainstream citizens’ access to fundamental human rights.
Chapter 12 by Omojola on the coverage of the legislature in Lagos State in the media between June 1999 and May 2003 looks at the policy areas and the citizen’s rating of the quality and content of the coverage in two newspapers (Vanguard and Eko Today); the first having a national outlook while the second Lagos focused. Both Vanguard and Eko Today paid more attention to policy issues on democratic/political mobilization, neglecting critical sectors such as security, agriculture, transport, education, health and housing. The work rates media coverage of the legislature in the area studied below audience expectation.
Owens-Ibie and Ogwezzy assess audience uses of and gratifications from call-in programmes on broadcast media in Nigeria. Studying student population across three tertiary institutions in Lagos, the study identifies more participation among female students between the ages of 21 and 25 years; observes overall increased and enhanced audience participation across gender notably with the introduction of the global systems for mobile (GSM) telecommunication in 2001. It suggests that since research shows that this age bracket are the most-at-risk to sexually transmitted infections (STIs), stakeholders could utilize the unique selling point (USP) provided by call-in programmes as viable platforms for “social marketing of health and sexuality education” specifically targeted at such a vulnerable age group.
Akasoro’s work in chapter 14 examines political communication by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in the country. The author notes that though NAN, which was established to disseminate information on the interests and aspirations of government is struggling to provide: coverage for grassroots and urban occurrences, including photographs and foreign happenings of interest to Nigeria; news services for local and international institutions; as well as the communication of Nigeria’s foreign policy to the outside world, the agency, hampered by poor funding is unable to comply with current global trends in information and communication technology to deliver highly competitive services.
Alawode and Musa, in the last two chapters separately review commercialization of broadcast journalism; and the cultural imperialism debate in Nigeria. In the former, though the concept of actualizing public interest is acknowledged to be sacred, it reveals that “most media are not established in order to serve public interest” but to “follow some goal of their own choosing, defined in cultural, professional or political terms”. It therefore roots that commercialization of content and space would not impair access to information and hamper the actualization of public interest but would boost and enhance branding as well as audience segmentation for efficiency.
In the last chapter, Musa argues that despite the early emergence of media forms and studies in the country, discourse on cultural imperialism in the Nigerian media system has failed to align with contextual reflections in society, a situation he says is aided by inability of intellectuals in communication and journalism institutions to sustain enduring curiosity in their products. As a result, these products lack grounding in theory and situation to understand and reflect their contextual role in the Nigerian society.
Overall, as rightly noted by Professor Idowu Sobowale in his foreword, the book is recommended, especially for instructors in journalism and mass communication institutions, as well as practitioners because it would provide localized literature necessary to improve skill and competence among products of communication studies for the betterment of the Nigerian polity.