North and the failure of democratic governance
As Nigeria marks yet another Democracy Day, it is high time to move beyond the mere ritual of sloganeering and start serious evaluation—particularly in those areas where the dividends of democracy are absent. Nowhere is that more urgent than in Northern Nigeria, a politically powerful but socially and economically marginalised zone. The paradox is alive: […]
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As Nigeria marks yet another Democracy Day, it is high time to move beyond the mere ritual of sloganeering and start serious evaluation—particularly in those areas where the dividends of democracy are absent. Nowhere is that more urgent than in Northern Nigeria, a politically powerful but socially and economically marginalised zone. The paradox is alive: the North consistently has among the highest rates of electoral participation in national elections and holds the strategic positions of government but lags behind in almost all measures of human development.
Since 1999, when Nigeria returned to democratic rule, the North has had more than its fair share of political representation. The region has produced multiple presidents, Senate presidents, ministers of defence, National Security Advisers, and party chairmen. States like Kano, Katsina, Borno, and Sokoto remain strongholds of national politics. Yet, despite this heavy representation at the federal level, Northern Nigeria today remains one of the poorest regions not only in Nigeria, but in sub-Saharan Africa.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics’ (NBS) 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index, over 133 million Nigerians are multidimensionally poor, and more than 63 per cent of this population resides in the North. Sokoto State, for example, has a poverty headcount of over 90 per cent. In Zamfara, Kebbi and Bauchi, the statistics are similarly grim. These figures are not mere abstractions; they represent children who are out of school, women who die during childbirth, and households without access to clean water, electricity, or healthcare.
Education, which should be a key pillar of democratic dividends, has remained in crisis. Nigeria has over 10.5 million out-of-school children, the highest in the world and over 60 per cent of them are concentrated in the North. Many schools in rural communities are either dilapidated or completely non-functional. Where schools exist, they often lack qualified teachers, learning materials, and proper sanitation facilities, especially for girls. The result is a region in which millions of young people are growing up without the tools to participate meaningfully in the economy or society.
The health sector tells a similar story. According to UNICEF, Northern Nigeria accounts for more than 60 per cent of Nigeria’s maternal and child mortality. In some parts of the region, maternal mortality ratios exceed 1,000 deaths per 100,000 live births, among the highest in the world. Many communities are located far from any healthcare facility, and even where facilities exist, they are often under-resourced and understaffed. Vaccination coverage remains low in the North, contributing to outbreaks of preventable diseases like measles, cholera and meningitis.
These challenges persist despite successive administrations promising “change,” “transformation,” or “renewed hope.” In reality, Northern Nigeria has seen little structural change in how governance is practised. Elections have become rituals held every four years with much fanfare—but rarely producing leaders who are accountable or responsive to the needs of the people. Political parties remain personality-driven and ideologically hollow. Campaigns are often devoid of substantive policy discussions and instead revolve around ethnic, religious, or regional sentiments.
The problem is not just poor leadership but the absence of democratic governance. Elections alone do not constitute a democracy. A functional democracy is one where institutions work, laws are respected, resources are equitably distributed, and citizens enjoy rights and dignity. In Northern Nigeria, what exists is a façade of democracy where political elites are recycled, state assemblies rubber-stamp executive decisions, and the civil service remains inefficient and opaque.
One of the most overlooked yet critical failures in Northern Nigeria’s democratic space is the near-total collapse of legislative accountability at the state level. State houses of assembly, constitutionally empowered to provide checks and balances on executive power, have become largely ceremonial. In many Northern states, assemblies operate as extensions of the governor’s office, rubber-stamping budgets and policies without serious debate or scrutiny. This collapse of legislative independence has allowed governors to operate without oversight, undermining transparency and weakening governance. Budgetary allocations are passed without line-by-line interrogation, and constituency projects, often cited during campaigns, either vanish on paper or are poorly executed without consequences. In many cases, state assemblies have abdicated their responsibility to the people and now serve more as political clubs than as defenders of democracy.
Budgetary processes are also part of the problem. State budgets are passed with little citizen consultation or transparency. In many cases, capital projects are inflated, uncompleted, or nonexistent. Basic services such as water supply, waste management, and rural electrification remain neglected. While federal allocations continue to pour into states, the impact is barely visible in the lives of ordinary citizens.
A deeper issue is the structural disempowerment of the Northern electorate. Poverty has been weaponised, reducing many citizens to political dependents who rely on token gestures and short-term handouts rather than demanding long-term development. During election cycles, these voters are mobilised with rice, wrappers, and small sums of money—only to be forgotten once the results are announced. The result is a population that participates in politics but does not benefit from governance.
Civil society and the media, who should play watchdog roles, are often weak or absent in rural northern communities. Security threats, poor literacy rates, and political intimidation have made civic activism a dangerous endeavour in some areas. In the absence of robust civic oversight, state governors often operate with impunity. Procurement processes remain opaque, and many state governments have not domesticated or implemented the Freedom of Information Act.
To move forward, Northern Nigeria must undergo a fundamental shift in how it understands and practises democracy. Governance must be centred on human development, not political survival. State governments must prioritise investments in education, health, and agriculture not just as development projects but as rights owed to citizens. Electoral reforms should be matched by governance reforms, ensuring that those elected are held accountable for their performance between elections.
Citizens, particularly young people, must also shift from passive participation to active engagement. Voting is important, but it is not enough. Citizens must monitor budgets, attend town hall meetings, demand transparency, and question promises. The North has a rich history of activism, intellectualism, and community organisation. These traditions must be revived and modernised for today’s democratic struggle.
Moreover, donor agencies and development partners must link their funding to institutional performance. Too often, external funding props up state systems that remain unaccountable and ineffective. Conditional grants should be tied to measurable reforms in service delivery, public procurement, and budget transparency. The time for “business as usual” is over.
Northern Nigeria cannot be assessed by the number of people who voted, the number of governors elected, or the number of party rallies held. It must be assessed by the number of lives improved. The North cannot continue to produce political heavyweights while millions remain without education, healthcare, or economic opportunity. For democracy to be meaningful in the North, it must move from the ballot box to the grassroots from theory to impact. Anything less is not democracy; it is abandonment.