PDP fights back

The All Progressives Congress (APC) would do well to remember this, because it’s something they have not done. It’s quite clear to everyone else that the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), despite their inability to move the nation forward either materially or morally, are all out to resist any change in the political landscape. The PDP […]

The All Progressives Congress (APC) would do well to remember this, because it’s something they have not done. It’s quite clear to everyone else that the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), despite their inability to move the nation forward either materially or morally, are all out to resist any change in the political landscape.

The PDP does not belong to the school of thought which believes that a vibrant and effective opposition party is necessary for democracy. Having given the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) powers to de-register opposition parties, they are hell bent on emasculating the only party in the country capable of mounting a serious challenge to their domination of national politics.
It is certainly not the best of times for the APC whose profile rose when five state governors decamped from the PDP to join their ranks. This defection left the ruling party with its lowest ever number of governors, down from 23 to 18. Prior to this they had an absolute majority in terms of the number of governors, senators, and members of the House of Representatives, raising serious fears that the nation was descending into a one party state. The gravity of the crisis which plagued the PDP was proof that they have not managed either the country or their own affairs particularly well, while the defections showed that their legendary ability to cover up failures and resolve even the most serious matters as “family affairs” is failing them.
To the chagrin of PDP leaders, the governors’ decamping was deemed legal and they retained their seats because there is no constitutional provision restricting them from “carpet crossing”. This political re-alignment represented a significant improvement in the fortunes of the Opposition while the PDP’s internal crisis was aggravated by growing discontent with executive impunity within the party. Although they still remain the party to beat, if the scenario had remained until 2015 the general elections would be the first to provide a real contest and test of their popularity, which naturally they do not desire.
Even the most naive observer expected PDP to fight back with the gloves off. The Ekiti election fiasco and Adamawa impeachment are ample evidence that the APC didn’t see the stone coming. Now they have finally opened their eyes and expect Governors Adams Oshiomhole of Edo, Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers and Umaru Al-Makura of Nasarawa to be next in line for impeachment. In a proactive move the APC leadership has asked their governors to be vigilant and on top of happenings in the legislature to prevent PDP from exploiting the situations. They are taking particular notice of developments in states where legislators have engaged each other in tussles believed to be instigated by external forces with the sole purpose of removing APC governors from office.
In Nigerian politics, impeachment is, perhaps, the second most unprincipled action after defection. The manner in which elected executive and legislative officers are sacked by state Houses of Assembly has turned impeachments into a political joker card. It’s become a weapon used by political parties, the executive or the legislature when relationships go sour or elections are approaching.
Our political leaders claim to practise the American style of democracy, yet only four times in their history has the US Congress held serious discussions on impeachment, while over here we have recorded increasing numbers since 1999. DSP Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State, Fayose of Ekiti, Ladoja of Oyo, Dariye of Plateau and Obi of Anambra were all impeached between 2005 and 2006. The reasons given, and the manner in which the processes were carried out, undermined the credibility of the state legislatures.
The Adamawa State House of Assembly attributes Nyako’s impeachment to maladministration and financial recklessness dating back to 2007. Interestingly, the same Assembly had in October 2013 – while Nyako was still in the PDP – unanimously passed a vote of confidence in him for providing “purposeful leadership” for the state. The lawmakers particularly hailed him for the cordial relationship he maintained between the executive and the legislature.
The truth is that his problems came about from his defection, and also the fact that he wrote a damning memo to the Northern Governors’ Forum, in which he raised strong allegations against President Goodluck Jonathan bordering on genocide. The Presidency and the party became vindictive and the law on impeachment was used against him. Nyako should have seen the stone coming. This law enables impeachment to happen willy-nilly because it only requires the State House of Assembly to find the governor guilty of gross misconduct – a process which is very simple because the judiciary has failed to explicitly define the elements of such “gross misconduct”.  In Nyako’s case where his relationship with the State House of Assembly was soured over the handling of party affairs, his fate was sealed.
The blame for the endless impeachments can be placed squarely on the interference and influence of the executive on the legislature, and on legislators for their disregard for the rule of law.  Although provisions for impeachment must remain in the constitution for the purpose of checkmating abuse of power and breach of the constitution by the executive arm of government, we should expect that the more desperate PDP becomes to retain power at all costs, the more ill-motivated impeachments will continue unabated.  In a situation where simple allegations of gross misconduct and a pliant opposition legislature are all that is necessary, unnecessary, wasteful and diversionary impeachments, which will have no positive impact on the lives of citizens, will continue irrespective of the effect it has on democracy or stability in the country. It is high time the constitutional provisions on impeachment are amended.