Questions about democracy in Africa
Widespread open rigging and brazen cling to power has become a common feature of emerging democracies in the world today especially in Africa. Many countries in Africa have been accustomed to “sit-tight dictators” or military style leadership, with democracy on their heels for their replacement. This is at the centre of the on-going conflict in […]
Widespread open rigging and brazen cling to power has become a common feature of emerging democracies in the world today especially in Africa. Many countries in Africa have been accustomed to “sit-tight dictators” or military style leadership, with democracy on their heels for their replacement. This is at the centre of the on-going conflict in emerging democratic nations. Democratization of the world today as being championed by America cannot have an easy ride on old order. There has to be a deliberate effort to build institutions that will serve as democratic pillars.
Democracy is the political fashion of the 21st century but the questions that still remain unanswered are: What is the worth of democracy without economic prosperity? What is the purpose of it without institutions that will serve as pillars? One begins to wonder when Africa and other third world countries will get it right especially as regards to transformation of their electoral processes and economies. The case of Nigeria has shown the effects of electoral fraud can be deeply devastating and destructive and likely to result in instability and an immediate erosion of new government’s credibility and legitimacy.
The term “new democracies” describes both emerging and consolidating multiparty political system at different stages of development. The global expansion of multi-party elections during the last 35 years has brought about unimaginable electoral malpractices where there is absence or little democratic institutions to serve as checks and balances.
With the benefit of hindsight, it should be noted that from the 18th century until the latter half of the 20th century, there were two basic paths towards elections and democratic consolidation. The first path was expedited with concessions by the political establishments, made out of self-interest, social pressure, or convenience. The second path involves “so called rebels” seizing power. In the case of the latter, important roles were played by different groups in the society including, trade unions, political parties, industrial bourgeoisies, civil and political rights organizations etc. The disturbing question is, why have these similar pressure groups failed to mobilize the suffering masses in Africa?
Starting from the 1970’s, the world witnessed four different paths to democratization of greater parts of the world. The first is relatively peaceful transition to democracy from an authoritarian regime, achieved through lengthy negotiations between the rational factions and the opposition. Countries that used this form of transitional method include: Chile, Argentina, Greece, Uruguay, Spain, Portugal.
The second path towards democracy in the late 20th century involves countries coming out of civil wars through internationally sponsored peace agreements, such countries as Mozambique, Cambodia, El Salvador, Angola, and as recently happening in Sudan. These two paths account for over 100 democracies formed around this period.
The third is the forced democratization resulting from the US and allied occupations of countries like Iraq and Afghanistan. Finally, Lebanon and the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza embraced democracy out of conflict between Israel and their Middle East neighbours.
Between mid 70’s and early years of the 21st century, the countries where democracies were introduced increased in number. But the major threats to the democratization of the third world countries include intellectual bankruptcy, corruption and electoral fraud. The recent presidential election in Ivory Coast is a perfect view of the level at which democracy has been stagnated and stunted for long in the African continent. Looking at the electoral malpractice that has characterized elections in Africa which unfortunately Nigeria symbolizes, what comes to mind is, what are the factors behind this irrational quest for power and the unwillingness to relinquish same when in ones possession?
Insecurity of life outside power, economic gain, political influence, dynasty etc are some of the factors that have kept genuine democracy away from most African countries. Without these and other factors, what else could make Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast to still cling to power even when the whole world acknowledged that he lost re-election through free and fair election? What else could still be keeping Libyan leader, Muammar al-Gaddafi, in power after 41 years? Presidents Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Pedro Verona Rodirgues Pires of Cape Verde have been clinging to power for the past 24 years each. Eighty-five-year-old Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe who has served for 30 years is still yet to consider if it is time to quite. Theodoro Mgbasogo of Equatorial Guinea has clung to the seat of his birth right in the past 31 years and the same goes with Eduado Santos of Angola.
President Campaore Blaise of Burkina Faso who by means of force has been on the throne for the past two-decades-and-a-half is yet to think of the noble thing to do. President Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia is 19 years in power just as Presidents Amadou Toumani Toure of Mali and Idriss Deby Itno of Republic of Chad are also 19 years in power.
Obi Ebuka Onochie is a final year student of the University of Jos ([email protected]