Re: The Nemesis of Fulani Hegemony

“By default,  President Buhari has done the most damage to the cause of the Fulani in  Nigeria. He has isolated and exposed them to criminilisation and ethnic stereotype(sic) of the worst order. Obviously,  the enactment of the Rwanda model does not look that remote any longer, it is becoming increasingly possible.” Akin Osuntokun In the […]

“By default,  President Buhari has done the most damage to the cause of the Fulani in  Nigeria. He has isolated and exposed them to criminilisation and ethnic stereotype(sic) of the worst order. Obviously,  the enactment of the Rwanda model does not look that remote any longer, it is becoming increasingly possible.”

Akin Osuntokun

In the wake of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the late Bola Ige was alleged to have compared Nigeria’s Fulani to the victims of that heinous crime, the Tutsi. Not on account of similarities in their physical features or their occupation as pastoralists. But in the uncanny similarity in their situations – ethnic groups wielding significant political  influence far beyond their minority numbers in their respective countries. The inference drawn by people then was that the Fulani equally deserved genocidal treatment. Twenty five years later, that sentiment is being re-echoed by an avowed disciple of the former Justice Minister, at a particularly volatile time when violent clashes, from many causes, are going on all over the country.

Leaving aside the strictures against President Muhammadu Buhari – that has been the lot of Nigerian leaders of Northern origin in the hands of Southern politicians, public intellectuals and polemicists since Independence – the article is a case of crimen injuria, an exhortation and incitement and a call to violence, all the way to genocide, against the Fulani. This should ordinarily attract the attention of security agencies, but that would make a hero of an undeserving person.

The Nigeria that became independent in 1960 was the creation of British colonial power through and through. The trajectory of the disparate territories conquered and brought together as one country was determined by the British in their own overall interests. The Constitution under which Nigeria became independent not only had “Northern hegemony” built into it, and it was put, but also enough autonomy for the constituent Regions to flourish. It was a condition fully in tune with the beliefs of the federalist -in-chief, Chief Awolowo who wrote a book on the subject. Aside becoming a Republic in 1963 there was no material change in Nigeria’s political system up to 1966.

The continuing denial of the fact of a larger Northern population than the South mystifies those whose minds are not cluttered with prejudice. It’s a fact that far more Northerners practice polygamy than Southerners and not just among Muslims; that must necessarily give rise to disparity in population growth between the two regions.

The federalism practised in the First Republic didn’t render the Federal government or the office of Prime Minister inconsequential as asserted. The trio of Dr Azikiwe,  Chief Awolowo and Sardauna Ahmadu Bello became Premiers of their respective Regions in 1957. The Northern Premier. was the only one among the Big Three who didn’t make a stab at becoming Prime Minister as Independence approached.  Awolowo resigned from office to contest for a House Representatives seat and Dr Azikiwe vied for  Senate seat in the 1959 General Elections,  their deputies taking over the Premiership. Sir Ahmadu Bello’s gaze however was always on the throne of the Sultan of Sokoto, so he wasn’t seduced by the prospect of becoming Prime Minister.

Dr Mahmud Tukur’s portrayal of Buhari, “his life-long buddy” in his book, ‘Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: The Relevance of Values’ had no self- interest behind it. Dr Tukur built his reputation as an academic, intellectual and administrator, not on his friendship with Buhari. The same can not be said of most of those who came to public notice as intellectual wannabes President Obasanjo brought to Aso Rock to massage his ego.

It’s egregious falsehood to claim that the North sought to “hold the development of the country” or any part of it, rather than seek to catch up. The quota system referred only to recruitment into the Armed Forces,  specifically the Nigerian Army. It made eminent sense, for it allowed the Regions to be represented in this most important national institution; quota is still applied in this regard, to the satisfaction of all states. Federal character principle was the product of the Second Republic Constitution, introduced, one has reason to believe, at the urging of Southern delegates and meant to apply only to political appointments e.g. Ministers, etc.  The bastardisation of the policy over time has nothing to do with “Northern Hegemony.”

There was no “drama behind the introduction of the school of basic studies educational policy on the ‘70s.”Any assertion to the contrary is patent falsehood.  School of basic studies wasn’t the initiative or policy of the Federal government.  Credit belonged to the then Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, Professor Ishaya Audu who was supported by the owners of the institution the Pan-Northern States authority ICSA (the Interim Common Services Agency). Meant to increase university admissions rate among Northern states students, the SBS took in those with WASC Grade I for an intensive one -session of studies to obtain the GCE A Level qualification.  The School took off in January 1970 when Obasanjo was a GOC at the war front and so had no knowledge let alone had a hand in this landmark programme (which the University of Ibadan found expedient to adopt).

It is unconscionable to claim that “federal government functionaries of Fulani origin” approached Obasanjo in his capacity as military head of state “proposing deliberately slowing down the progress of tertiary education” in order to help bridge the North-South education gap. Obasanjo, as head of state, didn’t have any impact on the university system; even though he was the one who set up JAMB. General Gowon had already founded six universities in 1975, four of which were located in the North; none was established anywhere under Obasanjo’s administration.

Now, it’s all out and clear: having largely succeeded in inciting hatred against the Fulani among other ethnic groups in the country, their traducers could, with equanimity contemplate genocide against them for being opposed to their vision for the Nigerian Federation. With this development the loss of “hegemony”  will be the Fulani’s least worry. For this and other reasons the year 2023 may well be even more eventful for Nigeria than 1966.

M T Usman    [email protected]