Rising resistance and saving Nigeria
Subsequent events in the past weeks might make the assertion that the SNG represents a re-awakening of sorts, a credible one. First is the continued escalation of the SNG and allied groups’ actions thus far, as demonstrated by the March 16 rallies, again in Abuja. Second is Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s implementation of one of […]
Subsequent events in the past weeks might make the assertion that the SNG represents a re-awakening of sorts, a credible one. First is the continued escalation of the SNG and allied groups’ actions thus far, as demonstrated by the March 16 rallies, again in Abuja. Second is Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s implementation of one of the three demands of the group, even if it could be arguably said that such action by the Acting President was the apt political step to take, with or without the SNG demanding such action.
To put in perspective the group’s action, one cannot but ask: “what is the SNG?” The Save Nigeria Group (SNG) is a coalition of pro-democracy and human rights organizations and patriotic Nigerians. It had organized a similar rally earlier in the year at the National Assembly complex, being the first in its series of “Enough is Enough” campaign. It was however denied access to the Assembly grounds this time by the security agencies and from reports, plain clothes and uniformed security officers outnumbered the protesters. SNG has vowed to “continue to mobilize Nigerians to engage in public action, including protests, sit-at-homes and strike actions until these demands are fully implemented in the interest of peace, security and genuine democracy in Nigeria.”
The excuse of the police made by the FCT CP, John Haruna, who had confrontation with civilians during the June 2003 NLC-led mass protests against deregulation was that, there were counter rallies by groups such as the faceless Nigeria Unity Group and a faction of the PDP youth wing. It had initially threatened to stop the rally entirely, but caved in to public opinion.
What are the implications of all these for the emancipation of Nigeria’s working people and youths? The resistance being mounted by the SNG, and indeed any fight against the powers that be that exploit and dominate the working people is welcome. That the protesters were prevented from entering the Assembly’s premises and the state’s threat and use of paid “supporters” also show that the country’s mis-rulers are feeling uncomfortable. It is also good that the pro-democracy movement which had retreated into NGOist workshop-activism is back on the streets.
The demands of the SNG do however have great shortcomings. They portray symbols of the ruling class, such as Yar’adua, as the problem, just as “civil society” queued behind Abiola during June 12, as the mandate’s “custodian”. There was no single word against deregulation and privatization; there was no call for decent wages and better living conditions for workers. The SNG is more concerned with “peace, security and genuine democracy” of the elite and not with: an end to the exploitation of workers; overthrowing the domination and rule of Nigeria’s visionless pseudo-capitalists over the working people and youths and; establishing working class democracy, in the workplaces, communities and across the country. In short, what they want are reforms (and even these are so limited!) and not a revolution. Meanwhile, any lasting transformation of Nigeria requires a revolution through which the exploited and oppressed working people of Nigeria will emancipate themselves and raise up the banner for workers of all lands to unite, fight and win their self-emancipation.
The prominent role the pro-democratic movement played in the June 12 revolution was due to organized labour’s inconsistent responses in 1993/94, with Pascal Bafyau as NLC president, and the subsequent crackdown on NLC by the military government. Despite this, it is noteworthy that the most successful “sit at home” “strikes” organized by the Campaign for Democracy were those that synchronized with General Strikes of the NLC or strike actions by other trade unions especially NUPENG and PENGASSAN.
The labour movement’s power and leadership of the Nigerian people have been demonstrated several times in the present dispensation with eight general strikes and huge mass protests which led Obasanjo to declare labour as a parallel government in 2004. This is not to discountenance efforts at resistance by other social forces such as the SNG.
On the contrary, every form of resistance, every mobilization of the masses is a welcome blow against the local and global forces that have, in their collaboration, kept Nigeria underdeveloped and it’s poor, toiling people hungry, pauperized and hopeless. And the utmost possible unity of these different actions should be forged, including within and even beyond the structure of the Labour Civil Society Coalition (LASCO).
It is important, if resistance is to create transformative change, for the demands around which they are organized to recognize the linkages between reforms and revolution, realizing that no new society, no liberation of the people anywhere, has ever happened and can ever happen without a revolution. Even demands against deregulation and for living wages are for reforms, but these are reforms that can strengthen workers and fill us with confidence that we can indeed change our lives for the better through struggles.
The SNG is interested in saving a Nigeria of the elite. Workers need to transcend the corrupt and inept rule of the country’s historically moribund elite in emancipating themselves and building a new Nigeria of the liberated working people. That groups like the SNG are rising now show that the contradictions of capitalist rule in Nigeria are getting sharper. The challenge now is to build workers power and deepen the influence of the revolutionary socialist ideas in the emerging period.
Aye is Deputy National Secretary of the Labour Party