Tinubu’s turn: Stepping into Mobutu’s shoes

Tinubu’s presidency is truly surpassing all expectations. I say this not to glorify him but to caution the Nigerian people. He is transforming into a dreaded figure and preying on the country’s wealth. We are watching history evolve right before our eyes. As Alhaji Sule Lamido puts it, Tinubu is an emperor and will be […]

Tinubu’s presidency is truly surpassing all expectations. I say this not to glorify him but to caution the Nigerian people. He is transforming into a dreaded figure and preying on the country’s wealth. We are watching history evolve right before our eyes. As Alhaji Sule Lamido puts it, Tinubu is an emperor and will be difficult to dislodge in 2027. This is why I link his era to that of Mobutu.

Generations have changed since Mobutu Sese Seko was ousted in Zaire, the former name of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Mobutu ruled from 1965 to 1997. His full name was Joseph-Désiré Mobutu before he adopted the title “Sese Seko. The name “Sese Seko” is part of a longer title he adopted, which roughly translates to ‘the all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and uncompromising will to win, will go from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake’. Mobutu was a “master strategist” long before the tamer of the Atlantic Ocean was awarded the nickname.

Mobutu was notorious for his authoritarian rule, corruption, and the personality cult he promoted around himself. His regime was marked by widespread human rights abuses, economic mismanagement, and the looting of his country’s wealth.

In spite of his appalling leadership record, Mobutu is known to have had strong support from Western countries, particularly the United States and France. He made himself relevant by taking a necessary position against communism. He got their support until the Cold War was over.

• NSCDC arrests 7 for illegal mining, robbery in Ondo
• NIGERIA DAILY: Simple Back to School Success Tips for Parents and Students

Unlike the old times, today, the West is obsessed with neoliberal ideology. Countries that follow these ideologies are favoured with grants, awards, and huge loans at concessionary rates. Corruption and human rights violations are ignored as long as they adopt the prescribed policies by Bretton Woods institutions.

During Mobutu’s regime, his control over the state’s finances was so extensive that the distinction between public and private funds became almost non-existent. He lent money to his own country.

This happened when the DRC was experiencing a severe economic crisis. The loan came at a time when the government was struggling to meet its financial obligations, including paying salaries to civil servants. Those unaware of this history must read about it. One notable source is Michela Wrong’s 2001 bestseller, ‘In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz: Living on the Brink of Disaster in Mobutu’s Congo’.

Like Mobutu, the Tinubu administration is designing a system to rule freely without checks. Tinubu’s grip on power is tightening with every strategic appointment and policy decision. The National Assembly, once an institution that checks presidential power, is under the spell of the said presidential powers. The Senate president and the Speaker of the House have erased any semblance of legislative independence. Instead of working to strengthen the institutions, they are publicly pledging allegiance to bend the laws that stand in Tinubu’s way.

Ministries like Defence, Mines, Sports and Aviation are filled with ministers deemed unfit for their roles. This is not by accident; it is a deliberate strategy. Where loyalists—Lagos Boys—are not available, positions are filled with incompetent individuals who cannot challenge the status quo. These appointees, aware that their selection is not based on merit, remain in awe of the master strategist. In instances where no suitable “simpletons” cannot be imposed, Tinubu disregards the quota system and federal character policy, appointing individuals from his own region.

In the realm of law enforcement, Tinubu’s control is near absolute. The heads of the Army, EFCC, Police and DSS all share regional ties with the president and are loyal to his agenda. This consolidation of power extends to the Ministry of Interior, the Customs and Immigration, where those from Tinubu’s zone hold key positions. The result is a security architecture that operates under the direct influence of the president. Checks and balances in governance are becoming difficult. There are currently 10 protesters who have been taken to court for participating in the recent #EndBadGovernance protest. They have been charged with treason; a capital offence punishable by death.

In the face of these human rights crimes, Tinubu is fully shielded from Western scrutiny since he chose to adopt IMF and World Bank policies. Despite the protest against these policies, the West calls his harmful policies positive reforms. Notable ones are the devaluation of the naira following the unification of the FX system and the removal of the fuel subsidy, which was conditioned with an $800 million loan and a further $2.55 billion loan.

To align with the Western agenda of limited government intervention, Tinubu and the administrators of his government are cutting public spending, which is causing hardship. However, these administrators continue to operate lavish lifestyles—one law for them and another for the rest of us.

The minister of Finance is key to executing this agenda. Beyond managing the country’s finances, where taxation is the focus, the minister’s influence extends to all economic institutions like the Central Bank, FIRS, Customs and NNPC. This concentration of financial control under one office gives the president unprecedented power over the country’s monetary policy, oil revenue, choice of public spending and discretionary tax collection.

Even the humanitarian efforts, which should operate independently to serve the public good, are now coordinated under the Ministry of Finance. Cash transfers and other welfare initiatives are now at the mercy of Tinubu. In the midst of hardship, only those who are loyal will get the benefits. To put it in Akpabio’s words, you can protest, but we will be eating.

Like Mobutu, they are also extending their share of ownership of the country’s resources. A record N15 trillion highway contract was awarded to a company owned by Tinubu’s confidant and son with questionable due process involved. Oando, a company with ties to Tinubu’s family, has taken over Agip. It now has control over significant oil and gas reserves in the country. Many think the Warri and Kaduna refineries will be handed over to favoured companies of this nature. My main concern is that giving them these refineries will not benefit Nigerians as they will not be producing fuel at affordable prices, if they even produce it at all.

Clearly, Tinubu’s rule resonates with Mobutu’s. Power is centralised, checks and balances are eroded, and his Lagos Boys are deeply rooted in the system. Like cancer, which occurs when cells of the body grow uncontrollably, Tinubu’s power is growing at an exponential rate. And if left unchecked to keep growing like Mobutu Sese Seko, he will leave nothing but disaster when he leaves power.