Uneasy lies Chairman’s head
The most engaging political story in Nigeria last week was the determined push by powerful elements within the ruling All Progressives Congress [APC] to get rid of their National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, after less than two years in office. They managed to obtain an ex-parte order from an Abuja Federal High Court that Oshiomhole […]
The most engaging political story in Nigeria last week was the determined push by powerful elements within the ruling All Progressives Congress [APC] to get rid of their National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, after less than two years in office. They managed to obtain an ex-parte order from an Abuja Federal High Court that Oshiomhole should stop parading himself as APC chairman pending the determination of the substantive suit, which could last forever.
Oshiomhole, himself no stranger to hard tackles, resorted to a desperate measure of his own. He speedily obtained an order from a Kano High Court “setting aside” the Abuja High Court order. By now, most Nigerians know that a High Court cannot overrule another High Court but Oshiomhole rushed to State House with a copy of the second order to convince President Buhari that he remained in his seat as Chairman. It was not clear if the president agreed. His two spokespersons studiously refused to disclose what his stance was regarding the two conflicting court orders. Or for that matter, on the larger issue of whether Oshiomhole must go or must stay.
The men fighting to remove Oshiomhole are mostly doing so from behind a drawn curtain, but there were three exceptions. One was APC National Vice Chairman [North East] Salihu Mustapha, who sought and got the first court order. Another open fighter is Director General of the Progressive Governors Forum [PGF] Salihu Lukman. Several times in recent months, Lukman lambasted the chairman and called for his ouster. A third visible campaigner is Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki, the former Oshiomhole protégé-turned-deadly foe whose supporters jubilated in Benin City streets when the Abuja Federal High Court made its order.
Various media reports, some of dubious credibility, have since fingered other APC chieftains as being prime movers in the anti-Oshiomhole push. Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi is alleged to be one of them. Kaduna State Governor Nasiru el-Rufa’i is said to be another, with reason, because he spoke most vehemently against Oshiomhole during an APC governors’ meeting with President Buhari in January. Kebbi State Governor Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, who is chairman of PGF, is said to be yet another. Yet another prime mover is said to be Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi.
To this list we can probably add three former APC governors who had a very rough time with the chairman during last year’s elections. They are Rochas Okorocha of Imo, who Oshiomhole publicly accused of trying to install a dynasty in his state. The second is Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun, who believes that Adams connived with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu to displace his anointed candidate and hand over the APC ticket to Dapo Abiodun, the current governor. The third, well known Oshiomhole foe is Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara, who notoriously said Adams should come to Zamfara “if his mother and father born him.”
We can also add to this list members of the APC National Working Committee that Oshiomhole “suspended” from office in controversial circumstances. One of them is Deputy National Chairman [North] Senator Lawal Shu’aibu, who publicly called for Oshiomhole’s ouster last year. Another is the National Vice Chairman [North West] Inuwa Abdulkadir. The Oshiomhole-led NWC said it approved his expulsion from the party based on recommendations from his Magajin Gari Ward A in Sokoto, which accused him of anti-party activities. Incidentally, Adams Oshiomhole was also suspended by his ward in Edo State but he said they had no power to suspend a national officer.
Ondo State Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, who was accused by Oshiomhole of engaging in anti-party activities during the last election, could well be in this list. Add also the former National Chairman John Odigie-Oyegun, who several times upbraided Oshiomhole in public for alleged high-handedness. The main force in Oshiomhole’s camp is Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, probably supported by the governors of Lagos, Osun and Ogun states. New Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma most certainly supports Oshiomhole. Of the Northern APC governors, Babagana Zulum of Borno and his predecessor Kashim Shettima have stood firmly in Oshiomhole’s camp. Most other Northern APC governors are ambivalent. President Buhari, who holds the trump card, has not yet shown his hand.
Now, one serious allegation made against Adams Oshiomhole is that he is brash, high-handed and undemocratic, which is probably true. The second allegation is that the party suffered electoral setbacks under his leadership. Let’s examine this allegation closely. APC lost Zamfara, Oyo, Bauchi and Adamawa states in the 2019 polls but it gained Kwara and Gombe. It had a very close shave in Kano, Ogun and Imo states. It managed to retain Kogi, however controversially. It nearly grabbed Bayelsa, but for the APC deputy governor-elect’s multiple names, which opponents now blame on Oshiomhole’s poor screening.
Most likely however, it is 2023, not 2019 that is at the heart of the moves to dethrone the chairman. Some second-term APC governors want to fly the party’s presidential ticket in 2023 but Oshiomhole is believed to be staunchly loyal to Tinubu, the most visible contender for the ticket as at now. They don’t trust Oshiomhole to play a neutral role with Tinubu in the contest.
For now, no one knows where the chips will fall. If Comrade does not survive this gale, he should be consoled in the knowledge that national chairmen of ruling parties in Nigeria often have high mortality rates, politically speaking. Even winning elections does not guarantee a ruling party chairman longevity in office. Within a year of its winning the presidency in 1999, PDP cast aside its chairman, Solomon Lar, and replaced him with Barnabas Gemade. He too was replaced after three years by Audu Ogbeh, who was later made by President Obasanjo to sign a resignation letter, allegedly at gunpoint. This happened soon after Obasanjo finished a large plate of pounded yam in Ogbeh’s house.
Dr. Ahmadu Ali, who replaced Ogbeh, lasted three years and was replaced by his secretary, Vincent Ogbulafor. Soon after President Jonathan took over in 2010, he hounded out Ogbulafor and replaced him with Dr. Okwesileze Nwodo. Nwodo was ousted that year. Dr. Bello Haliru Mohammed and Alhaji Kawu Baraje, who acted as chairmen, were denied confirmation. Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, who was handpicked by President Jonathan in 2012, was booted out after two years. BMT’s successor, “game changer” Ahmadu Adamu Mu’azu, was chased out after losing the 2015 election.
Party chairmen in the still-born Third Republic fared no better. SDP’s Ambassador Babagana Kingibe and NRC’s Tom Ikimi lasted two years each, 1990-92. General Babangida booted them out when he cancelled that year’s presidential primaries and banned 23 leading candidates. The men who replaced them, SDP’s Tony Anenih and NRC’s Hameed Kusamotu, lasted only a few months before General Abacha dissolved their parties.
During the Abacha years, most chairmen of the registered political parties were handpicked by top regime officials: UNCP’s Isa Mohammed by Lt Gen Jerry Useni; DPN’s Saleh Hassan by Special Duties Minister Wada Nas and GDM’s Gambo Lawan by Major Hamza Almustapha. Only NCPN and CNC had relative independence. In the end the parties were dissolved soon after Abacha’s death in 1998.
The Second Republic was a different kettle of fish. Chairman of the ruling NPN Chief Adisa Akinloye lasted the entire life of the Second Republic, 1978-1983. Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Malam Aminu Kano also chaired their parties, UPN and PRP, from beginning to end of the Second Republic, as did GNPP’s Waziri Ibrahim. But they were not unchallenged. PRP split into two bitterly feuding factions, Tabo and Santsi, while GNPP split several times, with Nduka Eze and Senator Mahmud Waziri leading other factions. Though Awolowo was never toppled as UPN national chairman, many important members defected in the run up to the 1983 elections. As for NPP, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was never its national chairman but a year after its split from GNPP, NPP replaced its chairman, Olu Akinfosile, with Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, who lasted until the Republic’s end.
Cool down, Comrade Oshiomhole. Party National Chairman’s chair sometimes feels like electric chair.