What does Southern Kaduna really want?

As the electorate went to the polls in 2015, I could remember when many were asked from all backgrounds and with different political leanings which issues they would like to see addressed by the winning party. Peace, media freedom, end to tribalism/ethnic crisis, infrastructure and jobs for the unemployed youths were some of the issues […]

As the electorate went to the polls in 2015, I could remember when many were asked from all backgrounds and with different political leanings which issues they would like to see addressed by the winning party. Peace, media freedom, end to tribalism/ethnic crisis, infrastructure and jobs for the unemployed youths were some of the issues that seemed to matter most to Kaduna people.

The recent crisis in Southern Kaduna is the outcome of a deadly cocktail of personal ambition, political manipulation of negative ethnicity and failure to transform a revered liberation movement into an accountable party responsiveness.

As the belligerence continues in full swing in Southern Kaduna despite a curfew imposed on the affected areas, there is a growing amount of commentary that has been made and more is still in the making about the genesis of the problems and how best they can be resolved.

Two accounts have been given as to what might have triggered anger in those areas. The purported monetary compensation to herdsmen by Governor Nasir El-Rufai in order to appease them, which the government of the day said it just resuscitated late governor Patrick Yakowa’s initiative, by persuading aggrieved Fulanis to forgive the losses which they suffered in the 2011 post-election violence and they responded by asking for compensation for their loss of cattle.

On the other hand, Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPO) are trumpeting the line of a “cooked up tale” by the governor aimed at dressing up the actual root cause of the crisis which they claim lies in Governor Nasir El-Ruai’s authoritarian proclivity. SOKAPU claimed that some of the policies and actions of El-Rufai since assuming office have only favoured a zone, whereby many key aides of the governor are from his hoard. The national leadership of CAN has equally come out to articulate grief over President Muhammadu Buhari’s silence on the matter and on the manner both the federal and state governments are handling the killings. The general secretary of CAN, Rev. Asake said “Christians have been subjected to a systematic genocide and persecution through the instrumentality by Islamic fundamentalists disguising as Fulani herdsmen which have claimed many lives.”

Both accounts seem believable, at least to anyone who is not conversant with Southern Kaduna’s politics. In fact, even southern Kaduna themselves, who have lived in those areas for a very long time, are confused as well.

They do not know what and who to believe. Some observers of politics have concurred with the latter narrative. That the slyness tale was El-Rufai’s twisted lie to prevent a democratic fairness within the state. In other words, to them, it’s a good intention gone wrong. Depending how well you know the personalities behind the political intrigues.

Of course what do you expect in a twenty months old administration? It is true that El-Rufai has been naive on the state’s political settings.

He sat on a recliner and forgot about ethnic sensitivities in the state.

The governor also became complacent about the personal ambitions of some political characters within.

But what about Southern Kaduna themselves: why should anyone believe their account of an agitation for democratic fairness? There is no clear reason to.

In one way or another, it is difficult to believe that they are genuine agents of democratic fairness in the state. As I saw it, the elites are crying foul for the loss of prestigious favours they used to enjoy. In fact, every bit of what they are complaining about now started since 2009 or even before, but none of them ever raised their hand in protest. They are beneficiaries of the system and they do not want the system to be taken over by someone else. 

But the crux of the matter now is not about who started what and the reason for doing so. It is about finding the solution to the problems. An untold destruction has been exacted on the people – in lives, property and hopes. People are desperate. The on-going talks between the stakeholders will only provide a temporary solution to the problems. The talks are important. They will provide a respite to the suffering of the people. It will help end hostilities, at least, for now. But the permanent answer to the crisis in southern Kaduna does not lie in the agreements that will be reached in Sir Kashim Ibrahim House; the answer is in the Southern Kaduna itself. And this brings about the question, what do they really want?