Would Buhari concede a close race?

I n his new book, “My Transition Hours,” former Nigeria President Goodluck Jonathan blames former United States President, Barack Obama, for his defeat in the 2015 election. Last week, Muhammadu Buhari, the man who vanquished him, explained that his victory was owed to one thing: Nigerians were tired of the corruption being superintended by Jonathan. […]

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n his new book, “My Transition Hours,” former Nigeria President Goodluck Jonathan blames former United States President, Barack Obama, for his defeat in the 2015 election.

Last week, Muhammadu Buhari, the man who vanquished him, explained that his victory was owed to one thing: Nigerians were tired of the corruption being superintended by Jonathan.

Speaking in Abuja at a risk assessment training for heads of anti-corruption agencies in the African Union, the Nigeria leader said, “When we assumed office in May 2015, the pervasive nature and devastating impact of corruption on the Nigerian nation had become dysfunctional.”

Never mind that grammar, which was as overcooked as a pack of Indomie noodles in the hands of an amateur.  It was Nigeria—not the nature and impact of corruption on her—which had become dysfunctional.

The problem is that contrary to what Buhari and his government want the world to believe, Nigeria is as dysfunctional now as it was four years ago.

Buhari’s speech was in continuation of the fiction that his government is combating the menace productively, and that he, as the man of integrity he was mistaken for, is a champion of the struggle and a general in the war.

Only those who choose not to open their eyes do not see the deception.

Buhari was right when he said: “The momentum for our electoral victory could not be separated from the revolt of the people against glaring endemic corruption,”

That that narrative is always followed by the suggestion that the present government is superior to its predecessor in the corruption sweepstakes is what makes it so dangerous, because that hypocrisy makes change impossible.

Here is how Buhari expressed it last week: “During the past several months (you have to wonder why he didn’t say four years), we have been taking steps to institute integrity and transparency in the processes of government and holding those who have plundered our commonwealth to account for their actions.”

I commend the Buhari government for “fully” implementing the Treasury Single Account, despite various lapses.  But according to him last week, “While commendable successes have been recorded, it has become manifest that corruption fights back.  With enormous stolen resources elements have attempted to compromise law enforcing institutions and pervert the course of justice.”

This sounds good until you ask who or what he is talking about, and consider that his government is peopled, and the presidency surrounded, by men who have plundered both money and power.

Here are 10 things to think about:

One: Buhari himself lacks example and has fallen far short of the basic test of integrity.  He superintended the collapse of the Aso Rock Clinic next door but obtains medical treatment abroad.  He has also publicly and illegally accepted a N45m contribution from a shadowy group for his re-election effort, thereby violating the Electoral Act 2010, the 1999 constitution and the Code of Conduct for Public Officers.

Two: Buhari’s insistence on incompetent or compromised officials I: Inspector-General of Police Ibrahim Idris and Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai lead the way, and Nigeria wallows in widespread insecurity as the army repeatedly stumbles before Boko Haram.

Three: Incompetent or compromised officials II: Need an example of rot in office, position or philosophy in a democracy?  Take your pick of APC party chairman Adams Oshiomhole or Lagos political godfather Bola Tinubu.

Four: Incompetent or compromised officials III: Former Finance Minister Kemi Adeosun and presidential aide Okoi Obono-Obla were caught in certificate scandals, while Communications Minister Adebayo Shittu was exposed as not having served in the NYSC.  Buhari let the first slip out of the country and has kept the others at their posts.

Five: Incompetent or compromised officials IV: The presidential messes involving former Pensions Fund chairman Abdulrasheed Maina, former DSS boss Lawan Daura and former Secretary to the Government of the Federation Babachir Lawal show a government of complicity and duplicity.

Six: Contempt for the rule of law I: In February 2016 and July 2017 two courts ordered the Buhari government to publish a comprehensive account of recovered stolen funds since 1999, including on a dedicated website; and a list of the high-ranking public officials from whom it has recovered public funds and the sums recovered from them, since 2015.

Seven: The same outstanding big files and big cases on corruption that were on the president’s desk prior to Buhari, such as NNPC, are still untouched, with more being added.

Eight: When the scandal broke in 2017 that 200 million tonnes of dates donated to Nigeria’s IDPs by Saudi Arabia had been hijacked by perfidious officials and were being sold in open markets, the government publicly began an “investigation.”  That was the same knee-jerk reaction one year earlier over an adverse report about looting of the Global Funds, for which the government launching three investigations.  But there are neither reports nor prosecution, as the government protects all the officials involved.

Nine: First lady Aisha Buhari disclosed two weeks ago there are two people in the government who are more powerful than her husband, the president.  Buhari has neither contradicted her nor fired anyone.

Ten: President Buhari biographer, John Paden, disclosed that Buhari holds documents showing that while in office, Mr. Jonathan used the illegal tool of “off-budget” requests to obtain funds.  Jonathan has not been questioned about this or anything else.

These, and far more, show how rotten the current government is, and that corruption has nothing to fear or fight beyond empty words.

Among those words, for instance, Buhari last week bragged about deploying the Bank Verification Number in combating corruption.

The evidence says the contrary.  While the BVN exercise provided a comprehensive picture of domestic banking, it has not led to one person being prosecuted.

In other words, contrary to what Buhari wants the world to believe, the same incompetent malfeasance which has made Nigeria the global capital of poverty is continuing in his hands.

Speaking to the Ghana Parliament in Accra in July 2009, President Obama described such governance as the ingredient which has hampered Africa’s development.

“No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery,” he warned.

That rule of law, and the courage and example to nudge it forward, continues to escape Buhari as he waves the fake flag of integrity.  His character has now been tested for four years and it is clear he will not be receiving a WAEC certificate.

But the final test will be in February.  Remember: when Buhari is not blaming the PDP, he is lavish with praise for Jonathan for conceding defeat to him in 2015.

But Buhari praises Jonathan only out of contempt because he knows were he Jonathan, he would never have conceded.

That leaves this: Given the hostage situation in the presidency and now Buhari has savored Abuja like Olusegun Obasanjo, in a close contest in February will he concede like Jonathan, or annul like Ibrahim Babangida?

 

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@SonalaOlumhense