The word they dare not print

It is not because the media lacks the courage to print the obvious word that describes Tinubu’s government, but it is because caution has become necessary. People have to watch their backs, and rightly so—speaking bluntly now comes at a price. Tinubu is centralising power, and Buhari’s death has weakened the position to challenge him. […]

It is not because the media lacks the courage to print the obvious word that describes Tinubu’s government, but it is because caution has become necessary. People have to watch their backs, and rightly so—speaking bluntly now comes at a price.

Tinubu is centralising power, and Buhari’s death has weakened the position to challenge him. Even before then, he demanded absolute loyalty and was establishing himself as a national symbol with landmarks named after him all over the country. The National Assembly sings his song “on your mandate” like it is the National Anthem. In just 24 months in power, eight national landmarks have since been renamed after him—something even the military dictators did not dare. So, I do not blame those who prioritise caution over freedom of speech.

Readers, however, must recognise this caution for what it is—a sign of something deeply troubling. The harsh silencing of critics, judicial intimidation of media houses, and abuse of people’s rights make the intentions of this administration unmistakably clear. But even if writers bite their tongues, readers must call a spade a spade. This is why I present the similarities of the word we should use to call this government. The Washington Holocaust Museum provided 14 warning signs of this muted word. One can see that the Tinubu administration has embraced all of them.

One, adopting a “powerful and continuing nationalism” slogan. An example is “Turn of the South”. The slogan is heavily promoted across state media and official communication channels as they endorsed the President for a second term with just two years in power. Renewed Hope is displayed with national colours and symbols to make a central narrative under Tinubu’s leadership. This is a form of political marketing designed to suppress opposition, even as economic conditions deteriorate.

• Pension Scheme: Poor treatment of police retirees affecting serving officers’ morale – IGP
• Butcher allegedly lures hawker to Abuja apartment, defiles her

Two, disdain for the recognition of human rights. The administration keeps cracking down on peaceful protesters and continues to detain critics without trial. An example is the harassment of the June 12 protesters and other End Bad Governance protesters. This includes a prolonged detention of teenagers in prisons. Human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, raised alarms on this oppression. They justify these abuses under the guise of “national security” or “public order”.

Three, identification of scapegoats as a unifying cause. The government often frames critics, opposition figures, and protest movements as threats to national unity or agents of foreign disruption. Political opponents are painted as enemies of progress, and dissent is branded as sabotage. They use this tactic to divert attention from economic hardship and governance failures.

Four, supremacy of the military. Despite deepening poverty and inflation, Tinubu’s government keeps raising defence spending without much effect. A clear example is the N4.91 trillion allocated to defence and security in the 2025 budget—one of the largest single items—while funding for education and healthcare lags far behind. Soldiers are increasingly used for roles meant for police, reinforcing their dominance in public life. Meanwhile, government praise for the military as the “backbone of national unity” has become routine.

Five, rampant sexism. A sharp example is the treatment of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in a male-dominated institution that normalises sexual harassment. She has been suspended due to her allegation, facing legal challenges and public attacks rooted in sexist tropes.

Six, control mass media—this is absolutely what he is about. In the past 24 months under Tinubu, media houses have faced growing state pressure. FIJ journalists were detained and abducted; Arise News was fined N2 million; Channels TV was fined N5 million; and Daily Trust faced a  threat over its Samoa Agreement report. The pattern is clear—legal intimidation is now a tool of media control.

Seven, obsession with national security. The government routinely invokes “national security” to justify censorship. Protesters are labelled as a unity threat, critics are branded as destabilising forces, and dissent is equated with sabotage.

Eight, they intertwine religion and government. I will say one word twice—Muslim, Muslim. Draw your own conclusions.

Nine, corporate power protected. Dare I mention the Hitech Construction Company Ltd., a business co-owned by tycoon Gilbert Chagoury and Seyi Tulumbu? The Lagos-Calabar coastal highway is still on our minds.

Ten, labour power suppressed. The NLC and TUC have been met with court injunctions, police intimidation, and threats of deregistration when organising strikes and protests—particularly over the fuel subsidy removal and minimum wage demands.

Eleven, disdain for intellectuals in the arts. University staff continue to face poor funding, despite repeated agreements. ASUU’s warnings are dismissed as disruptive. National policy support for the arts and cultural funding remains negligible. Critical voices in academia are labelled unpatriotic and elitist. Education policy is driven by political convenience than by scholarly input. I will reserve my comments on the Minister of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy for her complicity and mediocre performance.

Twelve, obsession with crime and punishment. The police, DSS, and EFCC continue to act with power and little restraint. Kuje prison is the keyword here. But the prosecution is selective and politically convenient.

Thirteen, rampant cronyism and corruption. A lopsided appointment in a one-party state is at the top of the agenda. State capture comes to mind. Anyone who joins the APC has their sins wiped clean. Public resources are channelled towards favoured companies and friends; no need to repeat this. This is a government where loyalty is the only thing that matters. They silence their critics, create chaos for opposition parties, and attempt to eliminate any competition before the 2027 elections. The crisis within the opposition parties—PDP and ADC—are a good example.

Fourteen—fraudulent elections. With his popularity waning, the only way to win the 2027 elections is to buy votes and use government apparatus to rig the outcome. Election rigging is no longer considered a wrongdoing. The judiciary, media, and electoral commission all appear to be tilted.

Clearly, the trademark of this kind of rule is present—media intimidation, captured institutions, and crushed opposition—it becomes harder to pretend this is normal politics. The word that newspapers cannot print is evident to all who cares to see. This government is barely two years old, and the only thing to expect from this system is something much darker. And as logical people who all know what they are doing, we all know what to do.